Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Ar dtús báire, ba mhaith liom cúpla focal a rá faoi Martin McGuinnness. This month’s negotiations are the first major negotiation that Martin McGuinness was not part of. From 1972, through the back channels to the British Government in 1981, again in 1989, through our efforts in the 1990’s to build a peace process and an alternative to armed actions, to the IRA cessations, and until a few short months ago, Martin was always there. His was a steady hand on the tiller of the negotiations. He was Sinn Féin’s chief negotiator for almost three decades. At the start of this year he was forced to step aside due to ill-health and as we know he died last week. His wife Bernie and the McGuinness family are very grateful for all the messages of support they received. I thank the Ceann Comhairle especially for directing that the national flag be flown at half-mast. Thanks also to all Teachtaí who spoke in positive tones about Martin. I should also tell the House what a woman asked me in Derry during Martin’s funeral. “Why”, she asked, “did they wait until he died before saying nice things about Martin in the Dáil?” In January, Martin resigned as Deputy First Minister because of the RHI scandal. This involves the loss, without proper explanation so far, of £500 million of taxpayers' money. This misgovernance and the possibility of fraud or corruption, as alleged by a former DUP Minister, had to be challenged. The level of disrespect and contempt from the DUP within the institutions, and its refusal to honour commitments made in previous negotiations, also played its part. Martin set the tone of the negotiations when he said that there can be no return to the status quo.

Over the past three weeks I met many times with the DUP. Bhí ár gcruinnithe cordial go leor. However, it also became clear very early on in the talks that the DUP was not up for implementing the accords that it had previously agreed with us and the two Governments. It was equally clear that it was not prepared to move on other issues that it has consistently blocked. For example, the DUP has blocked an Irish language strategy and an Acht na Gaeilge from even being discussed by the Executive for years now. This was highlighted two months ago when the High Court in Belfast ruled that the Executive was at fault for not having an Irish language strategy. Instead we have had to put up with "curry my yogurt" insults from senior DUP leaders along with cuts to Irish language projects, including in the Department of Education. The DUP has also actively blocked a bill of rights, and while the main responsibility for legacy issues lies with the British, the DUP and the British Government have refused to implement the agreements that were made with them in the Stormont House and Fresh Start talks to deal with the past. Our negotiating team also engaged with the DUP and the other parties - we continue to do that even as I speak - on the need for a more open and progressive approach on marriage equality; on the budget for an Executive; for the return of parties to the Executive; on a programme for government; and on greater transparency in governance, on civic forums and on other issues. Regrettably, the DUP’s approach throughout the talks was to engage in a minimalist way on all of these key issues. There was no substantive progress on any matter. Ní raibh aon fhorbairt ar roinnt rudaí.

A DUP proposal to introduce a so-called Culture Act is a case in point. This was to encompass the Irish language; Ulster Scots and a British armed forces covenant. What on earth has the Irish language got to do with the British armed forces? What on earth has a British armed forces covenant got to do with any legislation about language rights? It was entirely inappropriate. While Sinn Féin has no difficulty with supporting Ulster Scots – it is a very essential part of our culture and has been for 400 years - what is required is a stand-alone Irish language Act. What was on offer was meaningless, had no legislative authority, no strategy, no power, no funding, no teeth. This is unacceptable. During the talks the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Flanagan, assured our team that he supported the need for a free-standing Acht na Gaeilge. He has also made the case privately and publicly at a lecture for Pat Finucane, the murdered human rights lawyer, that the British Government needs to fulfil its outstanding obligations on the funding of legacy inquests.

The DUP was reinforced in it stance by the British Government’s approach to the issues. For example, we now know that, in the context of Brexit, the British approach will subvert the human rights elements that are at the core of the Good Friday Agreement. On legacy issues, I am presuming that our Minister tackled and negotiated and made the case on behalf of the Government and everyone else. However, the British Secretary of State, James Brokenshire, refuses to provide the funding as requested by the Lord Chief Justice to allow for the outstanding legacy inquests to be held. He is sticking rigidly to Britain’s intention to use the so-called national security veto to block the provision of information to bereaved victim’s families seeking truth.

Despite these very obvious gaps in our respective positions it is still my strong view that all of these issues can be sorted out. That is Sinn Féin’s commitment. We are wedded to the Good Friday Agreement and to the political institutions, and we will work to put them in place as soon as possible. However - and I wish the Fianna Fáil leader would listen to me on this point - it is my strong view that the Executive is not sustainable unless it is built on a strong foundation based on the modest human rights and equality measures required. The Unionist leadership does not accept this or, as someone put it more bluntly, those involved do not get it. This is not 1920 or 1960 or 1970. The orange state is gone. The Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements, and the recent Assembly elections, have changed the political landscape for ever. Nationalists and republicans are not prepared to tolerate a society in which unionism dictates what rights we and others may or may not enjoy. There can be no return to second-class status for anyone.

It is a mistake to think that the talks failed over an Irish Language Act. That was part of it, but the main fault lies within the DUP's refusal to embrace an equality or a rights-based future. At the weekend, after three weeks of talking, of exchanging papers, of efforts to persuade the DUP to embrace a new dispensation, it became obvious that the process had run its course and that the Monday deadline was not going to be met. On Sunday, the full Sinn Féin negotiating team was at Castle Buildings to continue with one last effort. The two Governments, including the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Flanagan, were present. The DUP did not turn up. Arlene Foster and Nigel Dodds had told us they had family business that day, but not one member of their party turned up. A soft and inaccurate media line said that this was because it was Sunday and that they do not do business on a Sunday. That is not true. While some DUP members will not work on Sunday for religious reasons, Sinn Féin have met senior party leaders many times on Sundays. Some also do television programmes and radio programmes - and I am sure that people here have shared studios with them - and they watch sporting events. When they were contacted by the British Government on Sunday at our request, the latter indicated that it was informed that he DUP would not be turning up unless there were new proposals from Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin is still in problem-solving mode but we cannot do it alone. Tá sé inár n-intinn na hinstitiúidí polaitúla a fhorbairt.

On Tuesday, the British Secretary of State, whose contribution has been less than helpful, told the British Parliament that the British Government will consider all optionsafter Easter, including direct rule.

This is not acceptable. Mr. Brokenshire has only one option and that is to call an election. There is no legal basis for any other course of action. While parties may or may not want an election, if the British Secretary of State brings in new legislation to restore direct rule that will be an act of enormous bad faith and a clear breach of an agreement between the Irish and British Governments in 2006, led respectively by the then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, and the then Prime Minister, Mr. Blair. Sinn Féin has no objection to the British Secretary of State leaving some time for further discussions to take place and our team, led by Michelle O'Neill, is engaging with the other parties as we speak. However, we are totally opposed to, and we would look to the Irish Government to oppose, any new legislation to bring back direct rule. The new dispensation for the relationship between these islands is set out in the Good Friday Agreement. This governs the disputed territory and it has to be upheld.

We are also very mindful that the British Prime Minister Theresa May is today triggering Article 50 of the Lisbon treaty. The social, economic and political implications of this for the island of Ireland and for the relationship between our two islands are enormous. While it would be better if the North was speaking through the Executive with one voice in opposition to Brexit, the reality is that the DUP and UUP support the pro-Brexit position of the British Tory Party and of UKIP. Nonetheless, Sinn Féin is working with all the other party leaders to agree as united a position as possible and we are seeking a joint platform with all of the parties on Brexit, including the DUP, based generally on the letter released by Arlene Foster and Martin McGuinness. This is especially important given that the British Prime Minister has been dismissive of any meaningful involvement by the devolved administrations in the Brexit issue.

Finally, too often we hear the narrative, rehearsed in this Chamber from the Taoiseach and especially from the Fianna Fáil leader, that there are two problem parties in the North. That is not the case but we heard more of it today. For our part, Sinn Féin wants to see the institutions up and working for everyone. We are not looking for any special favours or privileges for anyone. The terms for the re-establishment of the institutions are clear. They threaten no one. In a situation in which the British Government acts as a drag on the negotiations the onus on the Irish Government, as a co-equal guarantor to defend the integrity of the Good Friday Agreement, is even greater than ever. People across this island, including many people from the Unionist section of our community, need to see the Taoiseach standing up for these agreements.

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