Maureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent) | Oireachtas source

I wish to raise a couple of points, the first of which follows on from our pre-European Council statements and my reference to the increasing use of the securitisation narrative instead of a humanitarian one. The risk was that the EU would renege on, or not fully respect, our legal obligations under international laws like the Geneva Convention and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We know of the challenges presented by the humanitarian crisis and radical terrorism, but we also know of the increasing displacement and the risks that people are taking - refugees and asylum seekers - in leaving their countries of origin because of famine, conflict or abuses of their human rights. Recent EU answers have taken the form of the migration partnership framework, which entails migration compacts, and the EU emergency trust funds. While I acknowledge the EU's role as a major contributor to development aid, there are concerns that compact funding is going to countries with serious human rights abuses. These are countries that the EU would have held at arm's length before now, but the security agenda and narrative are changing that.

There are concerns that the funding necessary to meet the needs of communities in Africa will be diverted from the humanitarian line. Recent UN and NGO reports have highlighted this. According to Oxfam's February report, for example, famine had been declared in certain parts of South Sudan. On 15 March, there was a stark and frightening report from the World Food Programme about the crisis in a number of African countries that happened to be Irish Aid partner countries. Some 2.9 million in Somalia and 5.6 million in Ethiopia are at risk and need urgent humanitarian assistance.

A total of 4.9 million people in South Sudan need emergency food assistance between now and April. That is 40% of the country's population. In those countries food security and malnutrition in children aged under five, pregnant women and nursing mothers is dire. Another partner country, Nigeria, reports about the extent of the malnutrition and famine in North Africa. Drought has triggered the movement of people in some of those countries. People have moved for grazing land, water and work and that has led to increasing tensions between pastoral and agropastoral communities. Much of the food insecurity and malnutrition comes from drought and we know the relationship between drought and climate change. I urge the EU and Ireland to ensure a humanitarian response is fully funded and that all efforts are made in South Sudan to put an end to the fighting. I also urge that Ireland would use its influence at both EU and UN levels to work towards securing a political solution to end the conflict there.

I am a member of both the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and also the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade and Defence and Brexit and its implications have been dominating meetings. The more we hear, the more appalling is the lack of preparation and work by the "Remain" side before the referendum. It was obvious that it was taking so much for granted. There was an ignorance of the implications in so many areas. Much attention has been on economics and trade but there will also be an impact on education, culture and communities. A major gamble was taken with the Good Friday Agreement and what has been achieved in Northern Ireland. No thought was given in Britain to the implications of Brexit for Northern Ireland and very few voices stressed those implications. There is uncertainty now about the impact of Brexit on borders, identity and cross-Border relationships. We all know the benefits of the open Border and the co-operation it facilitates. There are concerns due to the evidence from divided societies everywhere about the implications of Brexit on identity and cultural issues. I wish to refer to what was said by an academic who came before the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. His point was that the implications for identity and culture could be potentially more significant and dangerous in the long term than the specific economic consequences. He also highlighted the implications for health care, transport and retail. There are concerns that the funding that went to support peace and reconciliation and building cross-Border relations could be under threat.

The European Convention on Human Rights is a cornerstone of the Good Friday Agreement but one must ask where that stands post-Brexit. Special status for Northern Ireland is vital, as the convention forms part of the Good Friday Agreement. The Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement called for a specific strand of the Brexit negotiations to deal with the protection of the Good Friday Agreement. There was also a call for a civic forum to engage civic society on the issues as they emerge.

The option of a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine is fading as settlements are being built. We continue to support the two-state solution but how can we do that when we do not recognise one of the countries as a state?

For some time a number of Members have raised concerns about the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, but we have not got significant or meaningful answers to our questions and there is a need for that.

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