Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

In recent weeks, we saw the House of Commons's committee of experts giving the plain and unvarnished legal facts about what Brexit from the customs union really means. It means a border in our country unless we do something about it. This weekend in my county, communities from Lifford and Bridgend will demand as Border communities that there be no return to the hard Border that so many of us grew up with and detested. Those communities, including farmers, businessmen and businesswomen, and workers from across the country, North and South, do not want platitudes or sympathy. They want a united political effort to prevent the imposition of any border in this country.

In today's media we hear that despite the words we have heard from the Government this evening, the Government is planning for a return to that Border. Sites across the Border are being identified for customs posts, including in my own county of Donegal as well as in Louth, Monaghan and elsewhere. That is the reality and wishful thinking, but it is not enough to accept that.

A short time ago at the finance committee, the Minister for Finance confirmed to me that is indeed what is happening - that Revenue is scouting out sites for customs posts along our Border, confirming the media reports earlier today. That is why Sinn Fein has moved this motion. The solution in the immediate term is a special status for the Six Counties within the European Union. Let Trump talk all he wants about walls, Ireland should be talking about uniting the country. A hard Border is the same as a wall.

It disrupts and it divides. The North must therefore continue to have access to the Single Market which allows for the free movement of our people, goods, services and capital on a North-South basis and among the other EU member states, helping that part of our island to benefit from the largest single trading block on earth. It is also about remaining part of the common travel area to maintain the free movement of people and goods without trade tariffs, physical checks or passport controls while opposing any suggestion of external international EU land borders or border controls within the island either by land, air or sea. We all know that the imposition of customs controls will not only have obvious consequences for businesses involved in cross-Border trade but will also reduce the effectiveness and even the viability of an all-Ireland supply chain, something which could be of particular importance, of course, in the agrifood sector, a sector which could stand to benefit substantially through heightened all-Ireland co-operation in areas such as animal health, plant health, food labelling, State aids and veterinary services. Let us not forget the significant movement of agricultural products across the Border today. In 2015, bulk milk imports into the South for processing by creameries and pasteuries amounted to 594 million litres, with nearly all of it coming from North of the Border. This is equivalent to 9% of our domestic Southern supplies and 26% of the Northern annual milk supplies.

What do we need to do? Our capital programme must focus on cross-Border projects like never before. Every policy lever at our disposal must be used to prevent the Border effect getting a hold on our economy. Sinn Féin's four MEPs are putting forward realistic and practical proposals to mitigate the effect of Brexit on our country. Unfortunately, the Government simply has not got it. I reiterate that we need special status for the North within the European Union. The usual talk, wishful thinking and diplomatic meekness will not work. People are fed up with it. What do references to "seamless borders" or "the need to avoid a return to the Border of the past" mean? When it is spelled out in hard facts, it means what is happening as we speak with Revenue officials going to identify sites in Donegal at Bridgend, Lifford, Pettigo and all other Border crossings for customs posts.

This is an issue of unprecedented importance North and South and the people have had the chance to speak about it. A clear majority in the North wants to stay. Border communities want to hear tonight that we are putting forward solutions and ideas and not just sleepwalking our country into the worst possible Brexit. There has been a great deal of talk about what Britain can or will do. Diplomatically, we have to push the EU to be flexible but we are only a small part of that block and must punch above our weight. As much as we need to negotiate hard with the British, we need to negotiate hard with the Commission and other EU member states. Our interests are not the same as those of Greece, Portugal or Estonia on these issues. We cannot be lost in EU committee-speak. Where we need to, we must raise our voices and make our demands clear. The motion before us sets out a clear and achievable demand if the political will is there. Let the House stand together and for all of the people of Ireland. Let it recognise, represent and respect the will of the people of the North and let us pass the motion to allow us to campaign for a special status for the North within the European Union.

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