Catherine Murphy (Kildare North, Social Democrats) | Oireachtas source

Yes. I am sharing with Deputy Eamon Ryan. There has rarely been such upheaval and uncertainty about the future relationships between the United Kingdom and Ireland, with Northern Ireland in the middle of it. I am sure we all agree that this election could not have come at a worse time. Hardly anything has challenged the Good Friday Agreement as much as the current uncertainty and the combination of Brexit and political unrest in Northern Ireland across a range of different matters. The election of 2 March is crucial and not just for those north of the Border - it has significant repercussions for us in the South in the context of protecting the progress that has been made under the Good Friday Agreement and ensuring we continue on the path of peace. It may seem we have come a long way from the awful times of the Troubles and the Border patrols of the past but these were not that long ago and we must recognise that we are still in a very fragile situation. I reiterate the comments, in this House and outside, calling for a respectful campaign that takes account of the precarious nature of peace in Northern Ireland and the need to constantly foster the progress that has been made. It is a very long campaign and it has already started.

That is double the length of time for the election campaign we had last year. We know that election campaigns can be bruising and fierce. In the context of a power-sharing arrangement, one requires people who have been polar opposites to sit down and work out an agreement within two weeks. That is a huge challenge, as we know.

We must remember that the Good Friday Agreement is an internationally recognised treaty. Its terms are embedded in the Treaty of Vienna. It was negotiated in the context of both the UK and Ireland being part of the EU, and it has been supported by the EU. That agreement obliges both Ireland the UK to do certain things, but it also obliges them not to do certain things. Chief among the latter is that neither the UK nor the Republic of Ireland will close a border between them. Obviously there are fears connected to Brexit over whether we might face a hard border between both jurisdictions on this island. It is welcome that the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, said today that she intends to safeguard the common travel area between the UK and Ireland. It is interesting that she immediately followed that by saying it was Britain's wish to control its borders, but one cannot separate those two things.

The simple reality is that the UK cannot control its borders if there is to be a common travel area between Ireland and the UK. This gives weight to newspaper speculation that the Department of Justice and Equality has been considering proposals which would allow the UK to run joint border controls across the island of Ireland in order to protect the UK's borders. It would seem that is the only way one could have an open border with Northern Ireland and a hard Brexit with the limitations on freedom of movement to the UK.

Essentially what would happen is that the Border would potentially be pushed out to the island of Ireland and not between Northern Ireland and the Republic. Put simply, it would mean that people at ports and airports would be greeted by UK and Irish border controls. Imagine a situation where people arrive at Dublin Airport to be vetted both by UK and Irish personnel. Is that going to be considered? There is newspaper speculation about it, so we need to know what the practical reality of that would be. One can imagine a relative who has been in the UK for 50 years arriving back here to find such vetting. Someone arriving from Denmark, for example, is perfectly entitled to be in this country. However, personnel at our ports and airports will decide whether they are happy to accept them. One can see the confusion that would cause. We cannot therefore welcome only the possibility of movement because we must also consider the kind of movement and controls being considered.

I have grave concerns that the Department of Justice and Equality may be forging ahead with arrangements without recourse to the Oireachtas and that we might be presented with a fait accompli, given that there is so much happening in this regard. I would like the Tánaiste to address the questions that have been raised regarding those proposed arrangements and the possibility, for example, of the UK funding shared border controls and being positioned here on our borders. How would that work in reality?

This is the backdrop against which the election will be fought. It would be ridiculous for either party, North or South, to think that this election can happen in isolation. There are several contexts to it. There is the cash for ash scandal, but the one context we both share is that of Brexit. Long after the cash for ash scandal has abated, the impact of Brexit will dominate lives, north and south of the Border. We must ensure that the impact on the Good Friday Agreement is limited to the greatest extent. That is why we cannot say often enough how important it is for this campaign to be respectful.After what will be a fairly robust election campaign, there is a huge challenge to put together a power-sharing arrangement in a short space of time with potentially the same people leading the discussions. We cannot underestimate that challenge.

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