Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

We could have a shot at it and see if we could prepare an e-letter that is relevant and factual and that is not left at home every week, if the House knows what I mean, because Members do not have time to read all these things.

Deputy Howlin mentioned the DUP. I met the First Minister, Arlene Foster, three times in the space of one week. We want to continue the formal discussions through the North-South Ministerial Council. On the issues that were raised at the meeting in Armagh, every Minister had been in contact with his or her counterpart and they all spoke at the meeting in respect of those discussions and the issues that concern their Departments. As the Deputy is well aware, many of these issues are completely intertwined North and South. This is particularly so in the agrifood sector where there is movement in both directions across the Border. There are also significant numbers of people crossing the Border every day for work and employment. These issues were discussed and Ministers will continue to meet and discuss the issues with their counterparts regularly. We agreed that there will be another meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council before Article 50 is triggered by the British Prime Minister. The First Minister and the deputy First Minister are working towards an agreed set of objectives arising from the letter they wrote after the July meeting to the Prime Minister which set out their priorities in respect of there being no return to a hard Border, access to labour and other matters which are of concern to us here as well.

Deputy Joan Burton spoke about dancing around the issues. We are clear on some things, but we are not clear on others. The first thing we are clear on is that the Prime Minister stated that she would move Article 50 before the end of March. The second is that the Irish and British Governments agree that there should be no return to a hard Border. The third is that the Irish and British Governments agree that there should not be a diminution of any of the benefits of the common travel area. This has been in place, in both countries' interests, since the 1920s, when we were both outside and inside the European Union. Now a different situation arises, but we are both very much in agreement on the issue.

However, we do not know what the future holds for the British Government. Tomorrow, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, will present his autumn statement. There is an exceptional deficit. I have noted the comments of the Prime Minister in respect of a reduction in corporate tax. I have also noted her comments in respect of a £2 billion allocation for research and innovation. These are issues that are of concern to us. It is clear that we must not rest on our laurels in respect of the third level sector and research and innovation. We must focus on continuing to be relentlessly competitive because that is what keeps the country up in the higher echelons, which is where we need to be. Until we are clear on these matters, is it a case of borders being protected or is it a case of access to the Single Market and, as a consequence, the movement of people? European leaders have said that they are not negotiating on the issue, that it is not possible to cherry pick and that there will not be approval for access to the market without the free movement of people.

On who will be negotiating, the European Commission appointed former Commissioner, Michel Barnier, as the lead negotiator. I had a good meeting with him when he was here. He made it perfectly clear that his role was not to make decisions, but to engage with all the European countries and the British. He has set up a task force and we have a member on it. Officials are in Brussels today for a detailed analysis of what is happening. From our point of view, we will have an accurate flow of information about the issues that are being raised, which will be of interest to everyone here. Mr. Barnier made clear that his job is not to make decisions, but to negotiate and discuss. This will only happen after Article 50 is triggered. It is the European Council - the elected political leaders - that will oversee the decisions to be made.

Deputy Eamon Ryan noted that this was a worse case scenario for Northern Ireland. There are many reasons to be careful about that fact. When we look at the Common Agricultural Policy and its contribution to Northern Ireland, will the British taxpayers be asked to make up the difference when it is no longer being contributed? Will they make it up in whole or in part? Will there be more or less? We have to plan for the future.

The issue of a united Ireland was also raised. People North and South voted on the Good Friday Agreement and people down here voted to remove Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution.

When the negotiations start, unlike in the case of Scotland, which was told that if it left and subsequently sought to rejoin the European Union it would have to go through the application process again, in the same way as East Germany was absorbed into West Germany, we need to have language which recognises what people voted for in the Good Friday Agreement and successive agreements, including the dropping of the territorial claim in Articles 2 and 3. If, as a consequence of the Good Friday Agreement, people North and South were to indicate at some point in future that we should have a united Ireland, the language of the negotiations should cater for that. After Britain removes itself from the European Union, we should not have a situation in which Northern Ireland, having expressed a wish to join the European Union as part of a united Ireland, would have to go through the whole process of reapplying and renegotiating EU membership.

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