Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

Next March will make the 60th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Rome, which created what is now the EU. Within days of the anniversary, the UK will submit formal of its intention to leave the Union. In spite of 60 years successfully fighting the extremism of the left and the right and delivering a significant increase in living standards and a historic fall in poverty, the anniversary marks a dramatic escalation of what is a threat to the EU's very existence. June’s Brexit referendum is not just bad for Britain; it is bad for everyone. Every day it becomes clearer that the hysterical anti-Europeanism of mainly English politicians, ideologues and media owners did not involve preparing any concrete plans for what to do after the referendum. They continue to abuse anyone who points out issues but they have yet to get beyond a shambolic and often arrogant statement that everything will be great when Britain leaves.

The damage to Ireland is not hypothetical. It is happening already and it risks becoming much worse. Following the forthcoming forum, we should have a detailed discussion in the House about our strategy to Brexit and seek to agree a resolution setting out at least a statement of core principles which can be supported by all Deputies who believe in Ireland’s long-term place in the EU. However, I reiterate that we are not confident that the scale of the threat and its urgency is being properly reflected in Government policy. Brexit represents a deep long-term economic and social threat to this country. It will impact our core economic model and threatens to reintroduce divisions on this island which we have worked so hard to overcome.

The budget was long on rhetoric but lacked any substance. It is welcome that we are targeting companies in Britain to encourage them to move here, and we should certainly seek the transfer of an EU agency, but this is only a small part of the challenge we face. Key industries and communities will suffer enormous damage from the volatility of sterling and the introduction of barriers to trade. I have outlined previously what the Department of Finance's own two reports on exposure of the economy following Brexit will mean. The Retail Excellence figures published last weekend are worrying as they suggest an initial reduction in sentiment and a downward trend. We cannot wait two years to outline a strategy to help companies to diversify and compete. We need to have our demands on the table from the start.

If the EU wishes to show that Britain made a mistake, and if it wants to keep the 27 intact, then it has an obligation to do everything to assist Ireland and any other part of the Union which can show a significant negative impact. Immediately following the referendum, it was a reasonable position to state that there should be no discussions until Article 50 was triggered. This is no longer appropriate and discussions should start now. First, the British have indicated when the two year period will be triggered, and, therefore, we are not talking about an open-ended negotiation. Second, it is increasingly clear that any agreement beyond a crude hard Brexit will require the full period and that may not even be enough. Finally, and more important, uncertainty and the fevered atmosphere which is developing is causing damage. We need clarity and that can only happen when at least some preliminary discussions happen. I agree fully with the idea that the British need to say what they want before there can be detailed negotiations, but it would be irresponsible to fail to at least agree formalities beforehand. It would be unforgivable if time were wasted on discussing how the negotiations would be conducted or who would be involved. It is ridiculous that there was no substantive discussion at this summit concerning the gravest threat facing the Union.

Fianna Fáil believes that it is also time for the British Government to follow up its warm words for Ireland with a concrete demonstration of its good faith. There is a increasing sense that Ireland will be prioritised only after the English Tory agenda has been addressed. First Minister Sturgeon's frustration about how the devolved administrations are being treated has been well articulated and should be of concern to our Government. There is much more to be said on this topic, but given time constraints, this will have to wait for another occasion.

The summit’s discussion on migration does not appear to have involved much of substance. The emphasis of the policies discussed should have been placed on the actions required to stop so many people feeling they need to make a potentially deadly journey in fleeing to Europe. I would like to again acknowledge the great humanitarian work carried out by our naval personnel. We should be immensely proud of them and continue to support them in their work. Separately, migration has been used by many political movements in a dark and cynical manner. I addressed this issue in depth in a speech last week. I will only repeat that it is our obligation to stand against the crude and divisive anti-immigrant populism which is present in too many countries. There is clearly a need to dramatically increase funding for the EU bodies that can systematically study and report on such racist activity.

The Taoiseach agreed yesterday that we would have a full debate on the current status of trade negotiations. I have no sympathy for those who see a conspiracy in every trade agreement and refuse to acknowledge any benefits of free trade. The fact is that Ireland is one of the world’s biggest beneficiaries of the freer trade of recent decades. To be anti-trade is to say to hundreds of thousands of Irish workers that their companies might not be able to compete fairly internationally. However, as these agreements become more comprehensive and complex, the need to review them in detail and to ensure public legitimacy has also increased. I hope the work on the CETA agreement will not be abandoned and a way forward can be agreed. Notwithstanding what happens in Wallonia and in Belgium, it is important that we have a debate on this House because it has been one-sided so far.

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