Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

The issues to be discussed at this week’s meeting of the European Council are of fundamental concern to the people of this country.  They address profound economic and humanitarian challenges.  It is clear that the Government needs to play an active and constructive role, but we are seeing, at best, a reserved approach lacking any initiative. The time available for these statements does not allow me to deal with every item on the agenda, let alone the Brexit elephant in the room, which is not down for discussion but overshadows everything.  As such, I would like to address the current state of the Brexit process and the linked issues of migration and Russia’s aggression against democratic forces in both Syria and Europe.

In the days after the UK referendum in June, there was great fear and uncertainty about what would happen.  Four months later, the situation is much worse. The UK Cabinet has failed to set out even the most basic framework for how it wishes to proceed.  There are many reports of splits between UK Ministers.  At one end, the Brexiteers are continuing with their nonsense argument that everything is okay and it really does not matter what is agreed.  The Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union has said the UK will have no problem quickly negotiating trade deals amounting to ten times the EU's internal market.  Given that the EU accounts for 23% of global income, this forecast does not even fit into the realm of fantasy. On the other hand, the Chancellor of the Exchequer is apparently trying to point out that simply walking away from the EU would be the most damaging thing possible for the UK economy.  His reward for this is to be subject to daily abuse about supposedly trying to sabotage Brexit.

There is an increasingly fevered atmosphere in London, with daily leaks, counter-leaks, policy announcements and U-turns.  Those who sold Brexit based on a sleazy, dark campaign are still pushing their agenda. Their arrogant belief in their own righteousness is growing. A few things are becoming clear in the midst of all of this.  It is highly likely that in the first half of 2019, the UK will cease to be a member of the EU and will not be willing to agree to any of the basic requirements for membership of the Single Market.  There seems to be almost no possibility of a soft Brexit. Prime Minister May has said that the UK's bottom line is that it must be free to exclude EU citizens from an automatic right to live and work in the UK and that Westminster must be able to act without reference to the court which enforces EU rules.  She has said that a great repeal Bill will be introduced next year and will take effect immediately on day one of Brexit.  This stated purpose of this legislation is to end immediately the application of EU law in the UK.

As freedom of movement and the primacy of EU law are two defining features of membership of the Single Market, the only reasonable conclusion is that a hard Brexit is under way. This is an appalling scenario for Europe as a whole, but for Ireland most of all.  If it is to be mitigated in any way, it will require unique agreements and unprecedented speed.  No modern trade agreement has ever been negotiated in two years, even when the process has started with clear objectives.

As my party has been saying for some time, Brexit is already hitting Ireland. The collapse of sterling is already damaging businesses and costing jobs. Businesses and communities that are threatened by weak sterling and new trade barriers lack security regarding their future. Before this problem becomes a crisis, we must start acting. My party is calling on the Taoiseach to state clearly to the other governments that the response to Brexit cannot wait for two years and that it needs to start now. There must be agreement on the core principle that the European Union will seek to help member states disproportionately affected by Brexit. It must allow and provide aid to industries that need to diversify and move away from over-reliance on the United Kingdom market and those which need help to maintain markets following the UK leaving the Single Market. We also need an early and formal acknowledgement that Border communities must be supported. They are already feeling the impact of acute sterling volatility and face extraordinary uncertainty about the future. Thus far, there have been many warm words but little substance. We need a concrete recognition from the European Union that Ireland's interests are understood.

We should formally state to the UK Prime Minister, Ms May, our concern that the unique position of Northern Ireland was not recognised by her in the Brexit cabinet committee established last week. The committee is due to oversee all elements of the Brexit negotiations and has 12 full members. By any measure, this is a large committee. However, the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has no right to attend other than when summoned. The internal fights in the Tory party are enough of a priority for the Tory chairman to be a member but Ireland ranks far lower.

UK Ministers should cease giving us lectures on the future of Europe. In May and June we heard what they think of us. They should park their arrogance and get on with stating what they want. The statement of the UK Foreign Secretary in Turkey to the effect that he supports that country's application for EU membership is brazen, even for him.

The summit will also deal with the ongoing humanitarian crisis of migration to Europe and the aligned issue of Russia's escalating aggression towards democratic forces in Europe and elsewhere. I have been saying here for years that the root cause of the mass migration from Syria is a brutal regime seeking to destroy the popular will of a democracy. The refugee crisis is no accident; it has been Syrian state policy for five years. There was a clear opportunity to transition to a government chosen by the Syrian people in 2011 and 2012, but this was rejected by the Assad regime. Syria has been a client state of the former Soviet Union and Russia for over 50 years. This relationship has been toxic for Syrian people in recent years. Russia chose to veto every effort on the part of the United Nations to stop the fighting. Russia vetoed four resolutions at the UN Security Council which had almost universal international support. Russia even vetoed a move to allow the International Criminal Court to investigate the use of chemical weapons against the Syrian people.

There will be a full session tomorrow on the inhumanity of the joint Syrian-Russian bombing of Aleppo where this matter can be addressed more fully. However I wish to make clear that the pathetic and craven attempt to avoid a clear and specific condemnation of Russia's behaviour simply exposes those who adopt this stance. After weeks of being challenged, some of those who claim to be anti-war will hold a demonstration tomorrow, but they are attacking all foreign forces to avoid focusing on Russia's unique role.

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