Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance) | Oireachtas source

Okay. Another councillor from Kerry referred to people from outside the county who had relocated in Kerry securing houses over people who had been on the waiting list for a longer time. He actually mentioned 150 Wards. He did not mean electoral areas but the family Ward on the county council waiting list. If those and many other comments were directed at any other group, it would be seen as a clear example of a hate crime or of encouraging a hate crime.

I will quote from a study of Travellers in Britain because we do not have proper studies of hate directed at Travellers here. The facts and figures are stark. Nine out of ten gypsy and Traveller children suffered racial abuse and two thirds of children from Traveller groups have been bullied and physically attacked in other communities. We do not document or record incidents involving Travellers or others here but we know, to paraphrase another, that it is the last acceptable form of racism and it is practised by councillors and Deputies across the country.

While there is a reference in the Bill to race, colour and ethnic origin, it does not recognise Travellers as a distinct ethnic group, despite Travellers campaigning across the country to have their ethnicity recognised. We still do not do it.

I want to make a wider point on the limitations in the Bill. Hate and hostility should be dealt with. We are in favour of a category of offence that states that where there is an attack, such as a violent or verbal attack on a person that is motivated based on hate of gender, race, ethnicity or other category, it should be recognised and we should say, as a society, that we find those attacks intolerable and they should be dealt with.

I have a question for all of us. What about hate and discrimination when the State is the agent of it? If we define hate as hostility, prejudice, bias or hatred, I believe this State at all levels, from Government to Departments and down to local authorities, in how it operates and deals with Travellers, has a case to answer. If hate is not demonstrated in the response of the State to the crisis, for example, in Traveller accommodation, Traveller life expectancy, health outcomes, educational achievements, etc., then I do not know the definition of hate. To mention a few, the cuts to the Traveller accommodation budget have been appalling. It went from €40 million in 2008 down to €4 million last year. That is a 90% cut to Traveller accommodation alone during the period of the recession. The cuts to Traveller education are in the region of 84% and many of us have seen the impact of that in our communities.

In terms of the discussion last week on the accommodation crisis in Dundalk, we responded to that and we responded after the fire in Carrickmines last year. We are not supporting this Bill as an alternative. There are better worded alternatives coming from people who were involved in the very campaigns and crimes this Bill says it will address. The Bill fails to address the issues around anti-Traveller sentiment and actions by individuals, the State and its bodies.

See this speech in context