Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

The next few years will be a defining period in our history and in the history of Europe. The stakes could not be higher. The need for a determined political response could not be stronger. For that reason we must move to bring some structure and clarity to what will happen. We must be clear on Ireland's fundamental policy towards Europe and we must develop a new framework for relations with the United Kingdom. We must also prepare for new threats and possible opportunities. Most of all, we must take a stand against the ideologies which were central to this result and which are a real and rising threat to shared democracy, human rights and development in Europe.

Let us start the debate about where to go from here by remembering why the European Union matters. We should never forget something very simple and uncontested, that the European Union was the driving force behind turning a century of war and destruction into a time of peace and development. The two world wars had their direct origins in the fact that nation states developed without strong, rules-based co-operation to enforce basic principles and ensure co-operation. The European Union turned this around and nobody has come up with even the most basic argument about how peace and rising living standards could have been achieved without it. However, Europe has become an all-purpose whipping boy for those who seek ideological purity or a return to days when they could dominate large empires. It has been so successful in its core mission that it is taken for granted. Should those on the right and the left who want it to disappear be successful, what possible means is there to stop a return to the cycle of destruction and depression we saw the last time European nations went their own way?

For Ireland, the rise in living standards and reduction in absolute poverty of the last four decades would have been impossible without participation in the European Union. Hundreds of thousands of jobs and many vital public services and supports are directly linked to our position as members of the Union. Ireland must be absolutely resolute in reaffirming its position as a committed constructive member of the European Union.

The outcome of this referendum was decided by a relatively small margin of UK voters but its potential impacts are deep for people throughout Ireland, Europe and the wider international community. It poses immediate economic, social and political threats more severe than anything faced in the past 70 years. The threats for our country are grave and they require an urgent and comprehensive response. Overcoming the inevitable damage from this vote must now be an absolute priority. There is a mandate for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, but for nothing else. Nobody, especially those who pushed for this result, knows what comes next. They have not even made up their minds about when they want to trigger the process of negotiating departure. The political firestorm of an empowered far right and far left in Europe may be contained or it may lead to a period of growing extremism and xenophobia.

Let nobody be in any doubt about how this result came about. Many are trying to spin it and play down what everybody could see for themselves. We have heard this already from some groups in this House, as they try to claim the result for their own cause. Please, stop the attempt to cover up what everybody can see. This was the result of a relentless campaign of attacks on Europe and the promotion of an anti-foreigner agenda.

One does not get to claim the result for one's ideology while ignoring the campaign that secured that result. The sinister poster of hordes of Syrians waiting to invade Britain is part of the result and one does not get to ignore it.

The demand to end the automatic right of travel for all Europeans is also part of the result, as was the promise to opt out of the European Convention on Human Rights and the deeply cynical promise of an additional €350 million per week for the health service in the United Kingdom. Let us not forget that the slogan, Take Our Country Back, is the current preferred slogan of extreme populists throughout Europe and the wider world for whom there is always a group which can be isolated and blamed. It is about scapegoating others and building a politics of grievance.

Those who claim the outcome of the referendum was a vote against austerity politics should have the honesty to admit that the United Kingdom is not in the euro, is not subject to the eurozone's fiscal rules and has been a master of its economic destiny in recent years. While there is anger in many English communities about insecurity and living standards, it is the Westminster government which sets the core fiscal and economic policies of the United Kingdom. It is those who most want to end workers' rights, gut consumer protection, oppose environmental protection and deny climate change who ran and funded the "Leave" campaign. One cannot brush this aside and claim that somehow voters were motivated by a different agenda which is miraculously one's own.

Those who claim there is a backlash under way against so-called European war-mongering should remember that the United Kingdom acted against European Union opinion when it participated in the invasion of Iraq and it is the United Kingdom which has been strongest in opposing a common foreign and defence policy. We also heard the view that British identity was being undermined by the European Union and to be patriotic one had to be against the EU. This idea is a perversion of history. The European Union is a construction of a generation of patriots who fought for their countries, whether in the world war or to win independence. They understood that the only way to protect nation states was to create treaty-based organisations which forced co-operation and they have been proved spectacularly right.

Many strands of English opinion want to return to some pure vision of a glorious past. In doing this, they ignore the historical fact that depression and destruction went hand in hand with the Europe of competing states to which they aspire. While it is true that many working class communities were persuaded by the Tory-led campaign that they should vote to leave the EU, it is also the case that working class communities in Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain in the EU.

There are many legitimate reasons to criticise the European Union and there are many opponents of the EU who are not committed to the hyper-nationalist agenda. However, the core argument used by the "Leave" campaign was that Europe and foreigners were to be blamed for all hardships. Building on 40 years of Tory anti-EU rhetoric and the near hysterical campaigning of many media owners, people with legitimate economic and social grievances were directly encouraged to blame outsiders. This is a warning to all those who believe in constructive politics and abhor the divisive and cynical politics of the anti-EU populists that one cannot indulge their arguments and tactics, nor can one simply blame the European Union every time one has to do something unpopular. One must never stop making the positive and constructive case.

From the point in 2012 when the Prime Minister, David Cameron, announced his intention to hold a referendum on Britain's membership of the European Union, my party has addressed the issue of Brexit repeatedly and at length. We set out our position in a series of detailed statements at the Institute of European Affairs, at our Ard-Fheiseanna and in our election manifesto. Our policy was not developed today but was secured by the mandate we received from our members and 500,000 people who voted for us. Some people question why we spent time discussing a matter which did not seem to be of immediate importance. We were correct to identify Brexit as a priority and to be clear in our policy on the issue.

It is our absolute position that the economic, social and political case for Ireland remaining in the European Union is overwhelming. Even the suspicion that we might consider leaving the EU would cause immense damage, threatening hundreds of thousands of jobs and permanently devastating funding for public services. Its long-term impact would go far beyond the recent recession and return us to an economic model we abandoned nearly 60 years ago.

Our message must be that we will be constructive and active in the period leading up to the UK's exit but we will under no circumstance join them. In recent days I have talked to business people, farmers, workers and other groups about their attitudes. There is a serious level of concern and anxiety about the future and a desire to see an active agenda to minimise damage. The first thing we need is to ensure we fully define our objectives and have an inclusive national approach to the negotiations. We all need to be wearing the same jersey.

I welcome the briefings provided last Friday and the assurance that parties will be fully consulted in future. Given the scale of the threat and the small amount of time, current arrangements should be built upon. A cross-government task force should be put in place with officials who are seconded full-time to work on this issue. A formal update should be published at least monthly from next month onwards. Employers, trade unions, farming organisations and others must be full partners in the process of analysing Ireland's needs and negotiating positions. They are expert and constructive. Clearly, a permanent consultative approach is required rather than occasional meetings.

The impact on our relations with Northern Ireland is a distinct and vital concern and requires a distinct response. The statements during the campaign by the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland were at best dismissive of major concerns. She refused to acknowledge or make any preparations for the adverse impacts feared by the majority of the people of Northern Ireland. We must ensure that the voices of the people on both sides of the Border are heard and that the threat to them is minimised. We should seek urgent meetings of the various consultative institutions of the Belfast Agreement and establish a formal structure for consultation and policy agreement. I welcome the fact that there will be a meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council. This should be followed by a series of sectoral meetings.

As for the issue of calling a unification referendum, our position remains that one should be called when it is clear that there is a possibility the vote would pass. At the moment, there is no evidence of this. If this changes because of a forced departure from the European Union, then it may be the time for such a vote. Yet this has not yet been demonstrated. The North has had enough of the politics of gestures and votes used to assert difference rather than build consensus. The cynicism of Sinn Féin on this is dramatic even for that party. For four decades Provisional Sinn Féin has opposed Europe in everything. It opposed membership and it opposed every referendum. In the European Parliament the party spends its time condemning the European Union. It shares a group with parties opposed to the existence of the European Union. It even refuses to oppose the Russian invasion and partition of European states, but supports resolutions blaming the European Union for Russian aggression. If Sinn Féin wants people to take it seriously in arguing for Northern Ireland to stay in the European Union, it should start by finding a positive word to say about the European Union in respect of anything.

I believe it would be best to await some clarity on timetables and impacts before we discuss the serious issue of the fact that the Belfast Agreement and the international treaty which underpins it are based on the principle of Ireland and the United Kingdom being members of the European Union. No useful purpose would be served by addressing that at a moment of such uncertainty.

The issue of Scotland's position has already been placed to the fore by Scottish First Minister, Ms Nicola Sturgeon, MSP. The future of Scotland within the United Kingdom is a matter for the people of Scotland. However, the future of Scotland within the European Union, should it leave the United Kingdom, is a matter which concerns all European Union states. I and my party believe that it would be unacceptable for Scotland to be treated as a normal candidate country should it seek to remain as a member of the European Union. Currently, it implements all European Union laws. Manifestly, it would not need to be reviewed for standards of governance or ability to implement European Union laws. It has a strong administration, a distinct legal system and an absolute commitment to European ideals. Scotland is strong enough to advocate for itself but Ireland should be a friend and demand fair play should it seek to remain in the European Union. As for whether Scotland could effectively veto Brexit, we have to play this straight, leaving it to the administrations concerned. Europe must under no circumstances interfere.

As to the timing of the negotiations, it is reasonable that the United Kingdom Government would be allowed the time to change its leadership, assuming this is fully completed within three months. The British Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron, clearly does not have the legitimacy to lead any Article 50 negotiations. However, these negotiations should begin immediately upon this transition happening. The United Kingdom has no right to inflict ongoing uncertainty on the other 27 member states.

Regarding our interaction with the other 27 member states, the Taoiseach must bring to the Council the message that the overwhelming majority of this House and of the Irish people are committed to membership and that Ireland's unique concerns must be recognised. We need assurance that Ireland will be fully represented in negotiations. We do not want consultations; we want representation. This is one of the messages I will bring to a pre-summit meeting of the ALDE Party in Brussels tomorrow.

This is an issue of treaties and future relationships that are not just between the European Union and the United Kingdom. The primary negotiations should be carried out by the Council and not left solely to the Commission. I am not just talking about the Council overseeing but actually carrying out the negotiations. The Council should appoint negotiators who are representative of member states and especially those with major national interests involved. There can be no tolerance of any attempt by larger countries to dominate. This is a matter covered by unanimity. Ireland has the right to assert its interests and other states must be fully aware of this.

Given the complexity of negotiations, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and all other Departments should immediately review the number of personnel required and substantially increase the full-time personnel working on bilateral relations with other states. We need all other countries to be up to date at all times on our concerns. We do not have the staff in place to achieve this at the moment, especially regarding sectoral issues.

Relations with the United Kingdom are far from the only issue of concern to Ireland. The future workings of the Union must be addressed. We must promote reform that delivers a Union more focused on key economic and social objectives. In particular, we must promote reform that addresses key causes of the recent recession and continued slow growth. These discussions must be inclusive and run parallel to the United Kingdom negotiations. However, this cannot be an opportunity for certain states to resurrect policies such as tax harmonisation which have no popular legitimacy and no likely economic benefit.

While these negotiations are ongoing, we need the European Union to be able to function and progress with the urgent agenda it has in hand at the moment. We cannot afford to have Brexit dominating everything.

It has not yet been proposed how to deal with the EU Presidency of the Council for the second half of next year. It would be manifestly absurd to have the United Kingdom in charge of negotiations within the Council at the same time as negotiating to leave the Union. In the past there have been a number of examples of countries delegating specific roles to other countries due to their size or lack of expertise. The legal basis for the UK handing over the chairs of ministerial councils clearly exists. If necessary, Ireland should offer to take over some of the roles as part of a group of countries.

The result of this referendum was the final outcome of four decades of rhetoric which blamed Europe and foreigners for everything. It followed an incoherent and pointless period of negotiations focused on marginal issues. In the end the regional and age divides in the vote were striking and will cause serious issues for the very future of the United Kingdom.

Ireland must take a different route. We do not have the British nostalgia for empire or fear of outsiders. To be successful, to offer a future for our people and to have a voice in the world, we must be active members of the European Union.

The generation which founded this State was absolutely committed to the ideal of Ireland as a member of a community of nations with responsibilities to each other. The men and women of 1916 were modern and outward looking, defining nationalism in an open and inclusive way, unlike so many elsewhere.

The first meeting of Dáil Éireann expressed the desire of this Republic to work with other states and sought security through co-operation. Our republican Constitution, adopted by the people at a dark time in world history, puts international co-operation and international law at the heart of Irish statehood. The stand taken by the then Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera, at the League of Nations, where he predicted that only destruction would come from ignoring rule-bound international organisations, remains one of the most important statements of Irish statehood.

It is this tradition, which stood against destructive competition between states and fear of outsiders, that we must now reaffirm.

Ireland is a European state that believes in binding commitments between states. We believe in co-operation as the only way to achieve social, economic and political progress. The difficult few years of negotiations we face will pose an enormous political and administrative challenge. Meeting this challenge must be an absolute priority for us.

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