Alan Kelly (Tipperary, Labour) | Oireachtas source

I also ask those who call themselves of the left to examine their climate change credentials when it comes to their water policy. While many things have been said about water in this House, the fact remains that the greatest energy user in the Irish public sector is our water treatment system. It consumes 490 GW hours of energy each year, which is a lot for those who do not know.

I am sure those who call themselves of the left know exactly how to reduce energy usage in the water system without Irish Water and me waiting to hear their details. The truth is that to reduce energy use in water treatment, we need to develop a software system that monitors energy usage across the water system. We then need to put in place a modernisation programme underpinned by investment, upgrade old assets and drive innovations, which the local authorities did not have the ability to do. The creation of this software is something that most of those on the left have opposed for no logical reason. I have no doubt they oppose Irish Water's energy target reduction of 33% by 2020 - which is now in doubt - which will be one of the single most significant carbon reduction initiatives for which the State has direct responsibility.

There is also the issue of the water framework directive and Article 9, an environmentally focused directive. I guarantee that all of us in this House will return to this issue soon.

One of the things of which I was most proud was playing a role for this country in the construction of the Paris agreement in 2015. I had the honour of leading the Irish delegation during the negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change for securing a global agreement on climate change. The Paris agreement represents a hugely historic milestone. It is the first major multilateral agreement of the 21st century and one which paves the way for a global transition to low emissions and climate-resilient economies. The agreement sent a signal that this shift is clear and irreversible.

Two weeks ago, I was at the United Nations headquarters in New York to sign the Paris agreement on climate change on behalf of Ireland. The agreement was the result of unprecedented engagement by 180 global leaders in December 2015. It forms a legally binding commitment to pursue actions necessary to hold increases in global temperature to well below 2° Celsius above pre-industrial levels and to increase the ability of countries to adapt to the adverse impacts of climate change. This document has the capacity to instigate a reshaping of the global economy. The dynamic nature of the agreement is a key achievement, enabling us to strengthen ambition over time. Enhanced transparency and accountability will be a key feature in this regard.

There is unequivocal evidence that the earth's climate is warming and it is undeniable that the causes are man-made. This warming is causing discernible climatic and environmental changes, more frequent extreme weather events, such as the record rainfall events and consequent flooding in Ireland in December, rising sea levels and the melting of glaciers and polar ice. In the longer term, these changes threaten to cause serious damage to our economies, our infrastructure and the environment. They will put the lives of millions of people in danger and will cause the extinction of many animal and plant species. Ireland's contribution to tackling the challenge of climate change will be reflected in the EU's commitment to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 40% by 2030 compared with 1990 levels and once our own targets within the EU goal have been finalised.

It is worth reflecting that the overall outcome of the Paris agreement means that the long-term objective is to pursue substantial decarbonisation of the energy, transport and built environment sectors as well as pursuing neutrality in the agriculture and land use sector. This long-term vision is a highly ambitious one, demanding real and meaningful change in how we live, work and travel. Achieving both our immediate mitigation targets up to 2020 and those that will be set on an incremental basis up to 2030, 2040 and 2050, will not be easy.

It was important in the context of the Paris agreement to be able to point to the importance of our climate change legislation which will allow for a reshaping of our own economy over time. The Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Act 2015 provides for such a framework. It establishes in law the national objective of transition to a low-carbon, climate-resilient and environmentally sustainable economy in the period up to and including 2050. It also provides a statutory basis for the institutional arrangements necessary to pursue and achieve that national transition objective. It is not designed to introduce new policies but to put in place a permanent legal framework to ensure we in Ireland make progress towards decarbonising our economy and our society.

These arrangements focus on both mitigation and adaptation. Climate policy must not only address how we mitigate but also how we plan to respond to the impacts of climate change itself. The Paris agreement clearly recognises climate change adaptation as an issue that concerns not just the poor and vulnerable in developing countries. We are all affected by climate change and thus adaptation must also become an urgent policy priority. In this regard, the 2015 Act addresses responses, mitigation of harmful emissions and adaptation to the consequences of a changing climate. Reflecting the need for a whole-of-Government approach, the 2015 Act provides that relevant Ministers will be required to contribute on a sectoral basis to a national mitigation plan, work on which is well under way.

I take this opportunity to deal with the issue of carbon reduction targets for Ireland, something that commonly featured throughout the debate in the House. Speaking personally and not for the Department, I believe there is a place for a long-term legislative target for emissions in Ireland, perhaps to 2050. However, the introduction of such a target should only be considered once the EU 2030 agreement is complete. Otherwise we would enter those negotiations with one hand tied behind our back. The focus on carbon reduction does not have the priority it should have and we will count the cost of this by way of floods, unpredictable weather patterns and loss of economic opportunities. A legislative target would help us mitigate that. However, we are correct to seek to sustain one of Europe's most sustainable forms of food production - the Irish family farm.

Greenhouse gases emitted by human activities are warming the earth and causing changes in the global climate. These changes are having increasingly severe human, economic and environmental impacts and will continue to do so over the coming decades. The cause of climate change and the case for mitigation and adaptation action in response to it are no longer in any doubt. The signing of the Paris agreement sent an unequivocal message to business, stakeholders and citizens that all governments are committed to playing their part in tackling climate change. Global motivation to accomplish our common goals in this area is steadfast. That resolve, underpinned by the Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Act 2015, must be mirrored here in Ireland if we are to transform our ambitions and international commitments into meaningful actions to meet our targets and secure transition to a low-carbon and climate-resilient economy by 2050.

With the right political leadership, this can be tackled. However, I regret to say I have not seen this addressed in the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael Trinity agreement published last night. If Fine Gael is serious about helping the poorest of the poor in the world and building a climate-resilient low carbon economy, I expect climate commitments will feature in the programme for Government. Otherwise, it would amount to a betrayal of the world's poorest and of those communities, including many in this country, currently living in fear of major flooding, of which we are all well aware. To date, leadership has been absent in government discussions but if we are serious about a low carbon future, the Trinity treaty simply is not much of a start.

See this speech in context