Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Sinn Féin rejects the notion that cutting welfare and public services is good for the economy. Whether in the North or in this State, we stand for investment, fairness, equality and proper public services on all parts of the island. The Northern Executive does not have the necessary resources to meet the full scale of Tory cuts and therefore the campaign against Tory cuts must continue. However, Unionists should be mindful that austerity is now the price of the union. Lower and middle-income families from the broad unionist constituency will bear the brunt of Tory policies alongside their neighbours. Sinn Féin believes that the continued operation of the political institutions, that is, institutions which actually deliver, is the best way to promote the peace, build an anti-austerity campaign, maintain control over public services, grow the economy and support those most in need.

As we have heard, some may disagree with this approach. I would ask them whether they want to let the Tories impose water charges, increase student fees, impose prescription charges, impose privatisation, slash public services and cut free travel for pensioners, as the Government here did. Despite all the other scenarios that may emerge, they would be the most likely social and economic consequences if the talks had failed or the advice of the Fianna Fáil leader had been taken and the institutions suspended.

It is time for the Fianna Fáil leader, in particular, and others in leadership here to get over their obsession with Sinn Féin. It is time to stop being jealous of our achievements and deal fairly and constructively with all of these issues. Of course, this can be done in a robust and forthright way. Let us be clear. These are not solely Sinn Féin issues. All of us have a duty and responsibility to encourage progress, harmony and equality.

For our part, Sinn Féin will not hand over political institutions and hard-won agreements to the Tories. We will continue to campaign, North and South, against austerity and to support the most vulnerable in society. We will campaign for the return of powers to grow the economy and end the union.

Tragically, as others have noted, the intransigence of the British Government in defending its state apparatus by denying victims access to truth means that legacy issues from the conflict have not been resolved. Many victims' groups are deeply disappointed with that outcome. Many have campaigned for decades. Some, such as the Ballymurphy families, the family of Pat Finucane and the victims of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, have been campaigning for as long as 30 or 40 years.

At Stormont House last year, all of the parties and the two Governments agreed a set of interlinked mechanisms to support victims, provide disclosure and promote reconciliation. These dealt with the rights of all victims and their families, but the British Government moved away from this agreement and refused to disclose information under the guise of national security. Many of these events happened 30 or 40 years ago and there is no threat whatsoever to national security. The Taoiseach claimed that he had addressed these issues in meetings with the British Prime Minister. That is fair enough, but it is not good enough. When I raised these matters with the Taoiseach yesterday, he drew our attention to the manner in which U2 has publicised the campaign of Justice for the Forgotten. I agree with him that U2 have done more to highlight Justice for the Forgotten internationally than the Government.

The agreement also makes it clear that there is no place for paramilitary organisations in the Ireland of 2015 and commits to measures to deal with criminality. I appeal to all of us here to move beyond propaganda and rhetoric and join with us in dealing with these concerns. There is a lot of other work to be done. There is no bill of rights or charter of rights, no civic forum and no Acht na Gaeilge. If we apply ourselves we will achieve these measures in the time ahead. Why should Irish-speaking children in the North have to wait for unreconstructed Unionism to decide whether Irish language rights are permissible?

I again call for regular, perhaps monthly, debates on the North to deal with Government proposals and have discussions on all of our obligations and commitments. We are approaching the centenary of 1916. All of the parties here have commitments to a united Ireland in their policy documents. That needs to be part of the vision that guides us, rather than the bickering and point-scoring that goes on when we debate these matters. I look forward to the Taoiseach agreeing, as a matter of routine, to regular debates on the North and all matters relating to it.

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