Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

They were central to that process. I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charlie Flanagan, and the Minister of State, Deputy Sean Sherlock, for their work. I also thank the US Senator Gary Hart for his ongoing interest. I am hopeful we will see practical support from the USA for the agreement.

Mr. Peter Robinson played a leadership role and I commend him on it. He had a particular imperative, personal as well as political, to do a deal at this time, but that should not take away from the significance of what has been achieved. Those in Sinn Féin certainly wanted a more comprehensive agreement and we did our best to get that, but others were not prepared to deal with all the issues at the moment. For that reason alone there is a need for a consistent and ongoing focus on the necessary processes of change, especially on the part of the Government. As I have said many times, the Taoiseach needs to have a more proactive engagement and interaction with the British Prime Minister. The Government needs a clear and consistent strategic plan.

For our part, those of us in Sinn Féin will continue to work with the DUP and Peter Robinson's successor, all the other parties, the two Governments and other parties in this Dáil to deliver on the latest agreement and the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements.

There was some criticism of the agreement in the House yesterday, particularly from the Socialist Party on the one hand and Fianna Fáil on the other. This was echoed today by the Tánaiste. The Tánaiste's remarks were incoherent, barely comprehensible and have no credibility whatsoever. At least the Socialist Party is consistent. The Socialist Party is against the Good Friday Agreement and all the other agreements, although I note it is not against partition. Fianna Fáil has called for a suspension of the institutions. There is clearly no sense to that proposition. The Fianna Fáil leader also spent some time yesterday defending the SDLP and the UUP. For the record, the relevant UUP people have left the Northern Executive for electoral reasons. That is their right. The SDLP and the UUP voted against the agreement. That is also their right, just as it is the right of those in Fianna Fáil, if that is their position, although it is difficult to know exactly what their position is.

I extend my best wishes to Alasdair McDonnell, the former leader of the SDLP and his successor, Colum Eastwood. Let us be clear: without the agreement last week, the door would have been open for a return to British direct rule and the full weight of a Tory assault on the welfare state. The majority of citizens support the political institutions and want them to work. However, constant crises and lack of progress has understandably frustrated and disillusioned many, including members of Sinn Féin and representatives of Sinn Féin.

Negotiations were necessitated by the rejection by Unionists of the Stormont House Agreement and the failure of the British and the Irish Governments to implement outstanding commitments. The British Government has sought to implement its brutal austerity agenda on a society emerging from decades of conflict division and underinvestment. This is not acceptable to Sinn Féin.

Two brutal murders were shamefully used to destabilise the political institutions, attack Sinn Féin and seek to disenfranchise republican voters. These sentiments were echoed in this Chamber as well. The families of Jock Davison and Kevin McGuigan deserve justice. There can be no place for such actions in society.

The negotiations were difficult, but most negotiations are difficult. I welcome the Government's commitment to invest in capital projects in the North. I have a particular interest in seeing the development of the Narrow Water Bridge and other cross-Border all-island projects brought to reality. I look to the Government to fund those projects.

Additional money from London was also secured, allowing the Northern Executive to minimise the worst excesses of British Government austerity. This includes £834 million over the coming four years to support working families and citizens in need. An extra £877 million of additional funding has also been secured to support the unique needs of a society emerging from conflict and division and an economy that faces a legacy of underinvestment and partition. However, the Tories are planning cuts to public services. George Osborne is expected to unveil some of these in his spending review today. I note he has scrapped his proposal to cut working tax credits. This is an important development but let us have no doubt that he and his Government remain wedded to austerity, just as the Government here is, both the Labour Party and its sister party, Fine Gael. The associated policies in this State have seen a rise in inequality and poverty. They have resulted in the current accident and emergency crisis and a rise in homelessness to unprecedented levels, all on the watch of the Government. If a person votes for the Labour Party, he gets Fine Gael.

See this speech in context