Dáil debates

Tuesday, 3 November 2015

Northern Ireland: Statements

 

7:45 pm

Photo of Finian McGrathFinian McGrath (Dublin North Central, Independent) | Oireachtas source

I am grateful for the opportunity to speak during this important debate on the North of Ireland and the recent Villiers report. Long before many of the political elite in this State woke up, I supported through thick and thin the peace process and the whole concept of conflict resolution. This was long before it became popular and mainstream. In recent weeks, we have seen the usual suspects coming back and trying to undermine the movement towards democratic change on the island. On a more serious note, we have seen the peace process wreckers emerging from the woodwork. Tonight I challenge them all in this House to get out there and support our peace process. That is the important point in this debate.

It is our peace process and we have a lot of work to do to facilitate the healing of our people and bring them together on this island. However, politicians have to lead on the issue and not use the peace process to score political points. We need a Government that is very proactive and engages more often with the British Government and other people on this island, particularly those in the North.

We can never take the peace process for granted.

With regard to the report and this debate, let us look at the facts. I would always have concerns about major players in a conflict which lasted over 30 years, especially MI5, being allowed to dominate the narrative of this report. However, when one looks at sections of the report, the facts are clear. Of course, we all oppose criminality and I warmly welcome the recent comments by the Minister regarding an all-Ireland cross-Border force to deal with this issue. That is the sensible, logical way forward. However, one cannot be selective. One cannot forget that in the violent conflict in the North there were three sides - republican-Nationalist violence, loyalist-Unionist violence and British state violence. We must not forget that. I raise this in the context of the report. The Government and this House must face up that reality. We cannot ignore the role in the past of loyalist violence, British violence and, in particular, British state violence. In my constituency, for example, I regularly meet members of Justice for the Forgotten. This group was formed in 1996 with the aim of campaigning for truth and justice for the victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings which were carried out on 17 May 1974 and in which 34 people, including an unborn baby, died. It was the greatest loss of life in a single day during the Troubles. The group's membership includes the overwhelming majority of those bereaved families and many wounded survivors. The survivors of the Dublin bombings of 1972 and 20 January 1970 united with those of 1974 into a single organisation demanding to know the truth as to why their loved ones died and why so many others were maimed. When one meets those families, the talk is not about revenge but rather about truth and justice. Justice for the Forgotten also represents the bereaved families and survivors of the Belturbet, Dundalk and Castleblayney bombings, as well as families and survivors of the Miami Showband massacre. Justice for the Forgotten supports all of these victims as part of its work. I urge the Minister to keep in regular contact with that group and to work closely with it.

The reason I raise this is that no person has ever been prosecuted in connection with any of the cross-Border bombings. Indeed, an official silence was maintained about these events until the early 1990s. Over the years the bereaved families have come to question the complicity of British state forces in the North in the bombings, the actions of the Irish State in pursuing those responsible and the integrity of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, RUC, and Garda investigations. I was a member of the Oireachtas justice committee which dealt with these issues. The first Barron report was produced in 2003 and was followed by the second Barron report in 2004. I raise these issues because it is most important that we examine them and the context relating to them.

To return to this debate on paramilitary groups in the North, an assessment was commissioned by the Secretary of State on the structure, role and purpose of these groups. That assessment focused on those who declared ceasefires to support and facilitate the political process. We, as politicians and democrats, must push the political, peaceful and democratic process. I am not a big fan of many of those involved in producing the report. However, I accept the sections of the report that point in a direction where there is much truth. In addition, I do not go along with the recent hysteria in which there were major attacks on the Garda Commissioner regarding her views on these issues.

In the report, No. 2 of the key judgments concludes that the most serious current terrorist threat in the North is not posed by these groups. With regard to roles, section v. states, "Members of the PIRA have been directed to become involved in the politics of the Provisional movement." Under the heading "Purpose", the report states, "It is our firm assessment that, to different degrees, the leaderships of the main paramilitary groups are committed to peaceful means to achieve their political objectives." The report further states, at No. 14:

The PIRA of the Troubles era is well beyond recall. It is our firm assessment that the PIRA's leadership remains committed to the peace process and its aim of achieving a united Ireland by political means. This group is not involved in targeting or conducting terrorist attacks against the state or its representatives. There have only been very limited indications of dissent to date and we judge that this has been addressed effectively by the leadership.

I have listened to the debate for the past number of weeks but I never heard people highlighting these sections of the report. I raise this issue because we must focus on the facts and get away from the distractions. We must focus on people who are anti-peace and who are trying to wreck the peace process. Some of them can be politicians and some can be mavericks or dissidents, as they are known.

I reject any form of violence, and it is important that all Members of the House state that. We also have a duty to work towards achieving peace and reconciliation. We must focus on the real goal, which is a new, peaceful, democratic Ireland. We cannot indulge in political snobbery. Of course, many of the groups emerging from this conflict have baggage and have done terrible deeds but the vast majority - 90% in my opinion - want to try to make amends, move on and implement the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement. Undoubtedly, matters must be very difficult for somebody who was sitting in a pub when their brother or father was blown to bits or if they were watching a football match and somebody came into the pub and sprayed it with bullets. That is horrific. However, the reality is that we must go about making peace. One does not make peace with one's friends, one makes peace with one's enemies.

I must commend Sinn Féin and how it has worked with the DUP in the Northern Executive. Recently, I attended a meeting with one of the cross-Border groups and I was very impressed by the relationship that has developed between the Ceann Comhairle, Deputy Seán Barrett, and Mitchel McLaughlin of Sinn Féin, who is Speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly. In fairness, I am also very impressed by some of the Unionist politicians who are trying to reach out and do their best. They are taking hits for it and I accept that. Likewise, Sinn Féin is taking hits from other people as well. The idea is to focus on the objective. We have secured the cessation of violence. The next objective is to carry out the healing and get on with building a modern Ireland. However, we must do this with a lack of political snobbery, which I often encounter in this House and which really upsets me.

We all have much work to do. There is much healing and forgiving to do on all sides. There must be respect for all of the victims. I am always impressed when I meet the victims by how they are getting on with it. They constantly talk about truth, the right to mourn and the right to justice. Very few of them use the word "revenge". I am blown away by that. We are human beings and if somebody touched a member of our own families, we know how we would feel. There is much forgiving to do on all sides. The bottom line, however, is that there must be respect for all of the victims, as no victim is more equal than others. Only then can we move forward and build a new, modern, inclusive Ireland.

I urge Members to support the peace process, stop the moaning and whingeing and get on with the real job. I hope the Minister, Deputy Charles Flanagan, takes those views on board.

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