Maureen O'Sullivan (Dublin Central, Independent) | Oireachtas source

The Good Friday Agreement has been perceived worldwide as an example of how to achieve peace and how to get conflicting sides around the table to engage in dialogue that leads to agreement and gives communities an opportunity to live their lives in peace. I acknowledge the work done by both the political figures and by those whose names are not in the public domain, including members of the clergy, the Civil Service, individuals and communities. However, for peace to last, it must be accompanied by justice and one aspect that struck me was the haste to have everything signed by Good Friday, perhaps so it could have the name, "the Good Friday Agreement". This haste has resulted in issues being unresolved, with flags and parades being two that spring to mind immediately. There undoubtedly are people in both loyalist and republican communities and circles who feel let down by the Good Friday Agreement and who thought their principles and values were not validated, respected or recognised in the agreement. While Members are aware the vast majority of people agreed to the Agreement in the referendum, 360,000 people rejected it and I believe a sense of complacency set in and the views of those 360,000 people were left unresolved, particularly in the North. This sense of abandonment continues to this day and consequently, one can see dissent in both loyalist and republican circles. Moreover, one can see increased numbers of so-called dissidents in jails in Northern Ireland. I wish to make the point in the Chamber, as I do on visits to prisoners in the North, that I do not believe in the use of physical force. However, there is an injustice in the way in which these male and female prisoners are left in jail in the North on remand for excessively long periods. As Members are concerned about an Irish citizen in a similar situation in an Egyptian jail, many Irish men and women are in a similar situation in the North. This issue, as well as other issues in the prisons, is not contributing to a conflict-free environment in prison or in society, nor is the perceived view of those prisoners that neither the legal system nor the parole commission system in the North is serving their issues or is being just to them. I am a member of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade and we receive delegations from conflict areas who come to Ireland to learn about the process that led to the Good Friday Agreement, the latest one being this afternoon. However, Members must be honest about the outstanding issues that remain to be addressed.

Those living in Border areas know about the illegal activity that goes on in smuggling, fuel laundering and extortion but one does not see the number of convictions that is proportionate for the extent of this illegal activity. I represent a constituency that has been damaged and ravaged by drugs and find it completely reprehensible and a complete violation of republicanism, in particular, that the value of republicanism has been used by certain groups that are involved in this sort of activity. I refer to the conclusion of the Villiers report about the main paramilitary groups operating during the Troubles still being in existence and a feature of life in Northern Ireland, albeit that they have undergone significant change. However, a worrying factor is that the leadership of some groups does not have control over the members. There is no place for paramilitary groups in a democracy and this issue must be addressed. While the Villiers report is quite negative in places, I wish to consider the positive developments in communities, some of which have been making presentations before the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement in recent weeks. Some of these are involved in issues pertaining to the legacy of the past. However, I again make the point that people, families, individuals and communities still are waiting on answers and the British Government and other groups are allowed to continue to make excuses on this matter. In this regard, I think of the Dublin-Monaghan bombings, Ballymurphy, the murders of Pat Finucane and Rosemary Nelson and at Darkley hall and the Widow Scallan's pub. Other groups have also appeared before the aforementioned committee and are funded through the reconciliation fund promoting lasting reconciliation and building sustainable community relations. These include groups such as the Pat Finucane Centre, the Glencree Centre for Peace and Reconciliation, the Bloody Sunday Trust, WAVE Trauma Centre and Crossfire Trust. Despite much positive work that is going on, there still are sectarian and racist tensions with intolerance and hatred remaining. How does one go about re-establishing the trust and respect? That means real dialogue and means taking on the difficult and contentious issues. I suggest the bill of rights could be a way forward but there is disagreement on where responsibility lies. Surely, it is the responsibility of all political parties in the North to be the drivers, with the co-operation of the British and Irish Governments. It was a central provision of the Good Friday Agreement and it would be based on the European Convention on Human Rights.

Respect for human rights, parity of esteem and so on is the way forward.

Through the Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, we have also met groups who are funded through the community relations council and I take this opportunity to acknowledge the work they are doing. Those who feel disenfranchised because of political and economic decisions, including the so-called dissident groups, republicans or loyalists, will have to be listened to if we want to have a just and lasting peace.

See this speech in context