Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Let me just probe this a little bit further with the Taoiseach. He referred to circumstances in which we can be helpful. He said we will try to be helpful. I find that a little worrying. Let me tell the Taoiseach why. The tenor and nature of the reservations of British Tories, UKIP and a variety of other political forces about the European Union have been very obvious for a long time, particularly in recent times. I say this as a person who herself believes the European project is on the wrong track and that the European Union is long overdue a radical reassessment and a radical overhaul. That is my position and that of Sinn Féin on these matters. Is the corollary of prioritising more competition not the downgrading of "social Europe" yet again?

With regard to the issue raised concerning migration and welfare, it is scarcely surprising to say it is code for a sort of little-England, small-minded, in extremisand xenophobic view of migrants who come to Britain or any other part of the Union. This has been made all the more acute by the trauma in Syria and elsewhere and the resulting refugee crisis. I would be very worried if the Taoiseach were considering even for a second being helpful to a British Tory Government set on dismantling social protections, such as they are within the European Union, and placing even greater emphasis on and according greater supremacy to competition, competition law and the forces of the market or, in many cases, the forces of the jungle. I would be very worried if he were in any way proposing to give succour to a British Tory Government that wished to roll back the tide. What was the term that Mr. Cameron used? Was it "an influx of persons seeking to get into Britain"? His rhetoric was ugly on the issue of migration only very recently.

Deputy Kenny is, of course, Taoiseach but he is also the leader of Fine Gael. He has a particular worldview and much of his outlook is shared with the British Tories. The Tories, however, are not elected in any part of Ireland, as the Taoiseach is well aware. Certainly, this jurisdiction and its Taoiseach should not be party to any rowing back of social protection or social provision, much less playing into the hands of a xenophobic outlook in respect of migration.

Rather than having a generalised, bland or abstract perspective on what the British may or may not be looking for, we and the Government should have a very strong view on what we believe should be prioritised by way of reform at EU level. More to the point, the Taoiseach should know and be prepared to state very publicly on the floor of the Dáil those places to which he will not go to mollify or curry favour with Mr. David Cameron and his Tory colleagues.

The Taoiseach refers to the North almost as an afterthought in this debate. He says he is worried about the stability of the North. That is fair enough but the truth is that, in terms of our national interest and the interest of Ireland, the biggest dilemma and biggest potential problem for us consequent to any Brexit is the North. That is not a minor detail. In my view, it ought to be the centrepiece of the Taoiseach's and our concerns for any British exit strategy. In the Taoiseach's conversations with Mr. Cameron, has he asked him about this referendum and the North? Has he put it to Mr. Cameron that the people of the North and the others who live on the island of Ireland need to determine for themselves whether the North stays or goes in terms of EU membership? The Taoiseach will know that, in Scotland, First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has made clear that the Scottish would regard it as their right to have Scotland decide on its membership, or otherwise, of the European Union. Equally — I am sure the Taoiseach shares this view — it is a matter for the people in the North of Ireland to make that call. While that call is so significant in terms of trade, agriculture, PEACE funding and supports, as referred to, it represents, in a much more fundamental way, big stuff for Ireland because its economy, in the medium and longer terms, will grow and develop at its optimum rate and in the best way on an all-island basis.

In responding to this matter so far, the Taoiseach has expressed concerns for Ireland, by which I presume he means this jurisdiction. By saying "our relationship with Britain ", I presume he is referring to this jurisdiction again. The North is almost a separate consideration. That is the wrong way to go about this. The Taoiseach says that Mr. Cameron has spoken to some leaders about his proposals. I doubt that Mr. Cameron has been as coy with the Taoiseach as the Taoiseach is being with us in terms of setting out precisely what he has in mind. Can the Taoiseach reassure us that he is not being quite so coy in return and that he will defend the national interest, prioritise the issue of the North and the right of its people to set its course and decide in their own right on whether it should be in the Union, and not allow a decision by England, led by Tories or anybody else, to be imposed on them, or us, as an island people?

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