Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. I am sure many postgraduate students in foreign relations and diplomacy would like to get their teeth into such a reply, because it is a lengthy masterpiece that says nothing of substance. It is full of banal generalities, which is what we have been getting on this issue for the past year and a half since Prime Minister Cameron said what he said. I am very unclear as to what the Irish position is and do not know where we stand on any of the issues that have been raised by the British Government in regard to its membership of and participation in the European Union. Unfortunately, the House has not had the opportunity to debate issues discussed prior to or after the past three EU Council meetings. This is unfortunate and unacceptable. The Government cannot be complacent about people's attitude to the European Union and cutting debate does not help. Will the Taoiseach confirm that statements will be scheduled before and after EU Council meetings from now on?

I am unclear, and the Taoiseach said nothing in his reply today, of Ireland's position on any of Britain's demands. We need to be careful. The Taoiseach is using language saying "we will be supportive" and "we will be helpful". Has this country anything to bring to the debate? Of course we support fair trade, free trade, competitiveness and all of that, but Britain's own review of the balance of competencies within the Union showed that the bulk of European powers help individual states to compete on a level playing field and give them fair access to trade. Britain's and the British Government's own analysis had little to show at the end in terms of meeting the views of eurosceptics, who tend to be sceptical of and against the European Union on emotional grounds as opposed to factual and substantive grounds.

It is important the guarantees that exist within the European Union which allow for basic working conditions and social supports are maintained. One of the bigger issues emerging in our two-tiered recovery is the high number of people on low incomes and wages within our economy. This is a trend across Europe and we need a proper debate in Europe on the issue. In our never-ending move towards what is labelled as competitiveness, we are shoe-horning a significant cohort of the population into permanent, low wage jobs with exploitative, zero hour and low hour contracts and so on.

These things have taken from many families and young people any certainty about security of tenure in housing, mortgages, buying a car, and so on. At European level and at the level of leaders all of this terminology gets thrown around. Of course we must be more competitive, but there are different ways of doing so. Competitiveness cannot mean reducing the means of middle and lower income groups on a continual basis while wealth in the stratosphere of the corporates or whoever goes to a higher level. This needs to be critically examined within the European Union and is part of the British debate. Ireland should be saying to Britain that it does not agree with it on that front. We are not going to undermine social supports or protections for workers.

There has been no public debate initiated by the Government on this issue. Our party held a significant meeting in Cavan with a number of academics presenting. The agricultural economist with the Irish Farmers Association was very informative and enlightening on the devastating potential impact of a British exit on agriculture and food here and in Northern Ireland. It was the first time I had heard an articulation of concrete impacts, which I have never heard from the Government or from any Minister. There is a complete absence of substantive debate and information on the issue.

Can the Taoiseach tell me what specific changes the British Government is looking for? Has it made a formal statement to him in that regard? Everyone is now saying that it will not be treaty change, as the capacity of Europe to facilitate that is not there. Now we are looking at something short of treaty change. What is it? In what specific areas is the British Government seeking change? What is our position? I get a sense that the Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron, has landed himself in it. To appease the sceptics within his own party, he announced the "in or out" referendum without a clear agenda or pathway as to how it would work out. He will now want other EU countries to help him and to facilitate Britain in getting a "Yes" vote in the referendum when it transpires.

What plans are in place to protect Irish business and enterprise in this context? Does the Taoiseach accept the ESRI estimate that a British exit from the European Union could wipe about €4 billion off the value of Irish exports? We know the European Union has played a very significant role in assisting Northern Ireland's recovery. EU funds totalling about €500 million have been invested in Northern Ireland through the peace initiative and other initiatives. Brexit would have a very significant impact on Northern Ireland and on the entire island. Would, for example, controls be reintroduced at the Border? Has the Taoiseach a position paper on this? Could he publish the position papers which must have been drawn up by his Department and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade?

There was a decision in May of this year, only a month or two ago, to set up a new division within the Department of the Taoiseach to cover the relationship between Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland. That suggests an acknowledgement of what we have been saying for years about the detachment of the Government from issues pertaining to Northern Ireland, North-South relationships and the Good Friday Agreement. There has been an increase in the Civil Service capacity within the Department of an Taoiseach to deal with these issues.

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