Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I join colleagues in welcoming the fact that we have passed an all-party motion which unequivocally and strongly states our support for the Ballymurphy families. A very clear demand has now been made on the British system to establish an appropriate investigation. We do not want to hear from Theresa Villiers, David Cameron or anybody else the reasons that, in their rather odd views, this does not serve the public interest. I welcome the fact that the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, has been categoric in this matter. These atrocities must now be reviewed and investigated. The families are not looking for the moon. They are simply looking for an affirmation of the truth and that is not beyond any of us.

I welcome the current debate. It represents an opportunity to discuss matters facing institutions and, more crucially, citizens in the North. These matters also face all of us who share this island and nation. I use the term "nation" advisedly, as our nation is not bounded by an arbitrary line on a map or indeed by the whims of history. The North is not a foreign country, although sometimes one might feel that it is regarded almost as a faraway, exotic and separate place. I say that as a Dubliner; I imagine it is all the more acute for somebody from Belfast. Of course, the North is not far away, despite any partitionist mindsets. It is only a stone's throw away from us, as they say.

The binds of family, tradition, kinship and diversity link all of us Irish men and women one to the other. We share a common history and common identities - in the plural - across the island. I am talking not only of Nationalist and republican heritage and traditions, but also of the Orange tradition, which is an intrinsic part of the tapestry of Irish life. Deputy Dowds alluded to the inclusive and egalitarian Protestant tradition as the foundation on which modern Irish republicanism rests. He referred to it, I think, as a thin or slight tradition. It is, in fact, a very broad and rich tradition and is the one I very proudly serve to this day.

I wish to address a couple of matters which I believe are of high priority at present. The ongoing issues around welfare cuts as envisioned by the Tories and the cut of over €1.5 billion to the block grant have caused, and continue to cause, grave difficulties for the institutions and people in the North. I remind Deputies that the Tories enjoy no mandate in any part of Ireland. The decisions made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Osborne, the British Prime Minister or anybody else in Westminster have not been democratically endorsed or supported by anyone in Ireland, Unionist, Nationalist, loyalist or republican. That is a matter of recorded fact.

The Minister has called for more imagination and creativity. He also called for an end to brinksmanship. We would not approve of brinksmanship in circumstances that might threaten the institutions which we and others have worked so hard to establish and sustain. However, the Minister needs to understand that what is happening here is not brinksmanship or game playing. From the perspective of Sinn Féin, what is happening is a very simple assertion, made publicly and privately, that we will not be the enforcers of Tory cuts. It is as simple as that.

The Minister also needs to understand that the institutions are necessarily limited by the fact that they do not enjoy the full range of fiscal powers. This point is crucial, also for those in Scotland who argue for independence or, at least, enhanced devolution. To ask the Executive and Assembly to build the economy in a sustainable, all-Ireland, joined-up and progressive way while keeping back these fiscal powers is asking them to do the job with at least one hand tied behind their backs in political terms. This is an issue we have raised consistently with the British and Irish governments. It should not just be seen as Sinn Féin's battle or the Northern parties' battle. Dublin needs to take up this cause and champion it.

I was very taken with Deputy Gilmore's incisive commentary on the potential of this island, whose population is growing and which is brimful of talent, potential and optimism when we get things right. We need to mould that political opportunity in an all-island fashion, North to South and South to North. That can happen only if the Northern Executive and Assembly have the necessary policy levers to make it so. I cannot emphasise enough, from a political point of view and from my own personal point of view, how high that priority is.

It was thrown at us almost as a political charge or insult, but we take it as neither because it is true. It is a statement of fact to record the levels of poverty in places such as west Belfast where child poverty and pensioner poverty exists. It is also true to say that those same trends in poverty indices are alarmingly pronounced west of the River Bann. There is a regional division in terms of where one finds the most acute poverty.

It is a fair challenge to put to us what we will do about it. We will do everything we can within the powers that are assigned to us. At the forefront of our minds in the negotiation of the Stormont House Agreement was the protection of the most vulnerable and to ensure that current and future claimants of social benefits would be protected. That means children with disabilities and very large families. However, we also say to the Minister, Deputy Charles Flanagan, in particular and to the Government, that in order to meet that challenge of poverty head on, the Executive and Assembly must have the power, discretion and tools to so do. It is time to give the power to the institutions. That would go a great way towards addressing the sense of disappointment with the performance of the Assembly, which has been expressed here.

Increasingly, people look to the bread and butter issues. One could ask why on earth they would not. They look to the opportunities for their children and job opportunities for themselves. In circumstances where the necessary powers are held back of course people will ask why the Assembly is not performing better. The Assembly and Executive must be given the authority to so do and then the ball will be fairly and squarely in the court of our elected representatives to do the business and make that a reality.

The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, asked why it is that we find ourselves at this pass. He asked why the vision had not become a reality. I suggest that the Dublin Government has some soul-searching to do in that regard. Talking about the issues is extremely important. Having debates such as this one is also extremely important but of far greater importance is action on foot of the debates. We are not spectators. This is not some distant exotic land. We are talking about the six north-eastern counties of our country. We are signed up, and the Government is signed up, to an internationally binding agreement that identifies the Government as a co-equal signatory and guarantor of everything contained therein. We must make good on that. The Government must also make good on it.

I apologise as I could speak at length but I am sure you will not let me, Acting Chairman.

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