Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I believe this debate is too short. Originally the debate was only going to provide for five minutes for spokespeople and I gather we had to make representations to get a longer debate. Not only is the debate too short but squeezing it into a packed agenda at the end of the parliamentary term is unsatisfactory. Unfortunately, in many ways it illustrates the approach the Government has taken to the North in the past four years.

While today we have two sets of statements concerning Northern Ireland, the fact is that over the past four and a half years Northern Ireland related issues have been increasingly ignored. With the exception of the work of a handful of journalists there has been little coverage of Northern developments outside of major incidents, such as this week's sectarian riot. At the core of this has been the undeniable disengagement of the Dublin and London Governments and the behaviour of the largest Northern parties in seeking to exclude others from legitimate debate. The sad reality is that the situation in Northern Ireland is now acutely serious. The slow but steady progress of previous years has been replaced by a growing sense of alienation and crisis. The many economic and social opportunities opened up by peace and agreed institutions are being lost, and with this the core challenge of reconciliation is sidelined.

The disengagement of our Government and the Cameron Government is something I have been challenging for years. I take no satisfaction from the fact that the crises I predicted from following this policy have all materialised. There is no question that root cause of the current problems has been the approach of the Democratic Unionist Party-Sinn Féin tandem. These parties have sought to maximise party advantage in government rather than work in a consensual way. Cases of sectarian funding, the abuse of expenses and the marginalisation of day-to day issues continue to mount. No one can now question the impact that the DUP-Sinn Féin Administration, which has systematically excluded other parties from playing a meaningful role, has had on the public.

Last month, the latest Northern Ireland Life and Times survey report was published. This has tracked political and social attitudes since 1998 and is the most detailed work of its type carried out anywhere in Europe. The latest survey shows a major deterioration of public faith in institutions and a belief that the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive are more detached than ever. Some 66% of people are dissatisfied with the work of MLAs. This is similar across age, social class and national identity. Fully 76% of people say that the Assembly has made no difference or given people less of a say in Northern issues. A total of 84% say the Assembly has achieved only a little or nothing at all. When asked what the Assembly and Executive should be focused on, people did not choose political issues but highlighted the economy and the health service. Their overall demand was for parties to make "devolution work in a way that is fair to all".

In most areas there has been an undeniable disimprovement in attitudes towards politics. This traces directly to the manner in which the Assembly and Executive have operated under DUP and Sinn Féin control. One good illustration of the impact of this was seen in the recent UK general election, when over 40% of people did not vote. Northern Ireland has gone from having one of the highest turnouts in these elections to having one of the lowest. Much of this reduced turnout is concentrated in marginal communities and among the supporters of other parties. These people see themselves as excluded from all policy discussions and are drifting away from political engagement. The long-term damage this could cause in Northern Ireland is profound.

It is not only in political attitude where we can see a deteriorating situation. While the two parties have worked hard to divide the spoils of power between them, they have presided over a marked deterioration of the economic and social situation of Northern Ireland. Last year, Deputy First Minister, Mr. McGuinness, attacked me on this matter and claimed to have delivered economically for Northern Ireland. At the recent Ard-Fheis of his party he said it again and added the patently false claim that "Sinn Féin doesn’t do austerity". Rates of poverty, child poverty, in particular, in Northern Ireland have continued to worsen, with the gap with the UK expanding. Over 46% of children in west Belfast are living in poverty - not only at risk of poverty but actually in poverty. Pensioner poverty in Northern Ireland is one third higher than in the United Kingdom. Tackling this through an ambitious development plan should be the issue dominating Northern discussions but it is, at most, marginal. The current development plan is limited and more about appearing to do something than actually doing it. It was agreed by the DUP and Sinn Féin with London without even the courtesy of mentioning it to the Dublin Government beforehand. There is no proposal to unleash the vast potential of cross-Border economic development and no economic vision for Northern Ireland. The provision of a blueprint for economic opportunity and tackling poverty are desperately needed in the North, yet the largest parties are focused on everything but this. It is striking that Sinn Féin, during the past 17 years, has chosen never to nominate a person to hold one of the principal economic ministries.

The current political impasse is the logical outcome of an approach that is focused on maximising political positioning rather than operating in the spirit of co-operation which the people voted for. It is not simply about the UK Government's welfare policies. When Sinn Féin signed up to the Stormont House Agreement, it signed up to implement these policies with some minor changes. What we are seeing at the moment is a desperate attempt by Sinn Féin to find a way to allow these cuts through while still claiming to be against them. This is the party which is savagely cutting back on school staffing and threatening 50 schools but still delivering speeches claiming "Sinn Féin doesn't do austerity". This is the same party which claims in the South it will abolish property tax while voting to increase it in Northern Ireland.

Let no one be in any doubt: the welfare cuts are wrong and will cause serious damage in Northern Ireland, just as the other cuts which Sinn Féin and the DUP are enforcing without complaint are causing serious damage already. When in office, Fianna Fáil said to the British Government - and we have said it since - that London has to understand that it must invest in overcoming entrenched division and conflict. Northern Ireland is a special case and deserves extra leeway. This should be our Government's position but, unfortunately, it is not.

The crisis goes well beyond the welfare issues. In fact, implementation of almost all the important issues addressed in the Stormont House Agreement has been delayed. Arrangements to allow the effective review of policies by parties other than the DUP and Sinn Féin were supposed to be in place in March. This has not happened. The commission on flags, identity, culture and tradition was supposed to be established last month and legislation on parades was due to be proposed. This has not happened and another contentious marching season is under way. A civic advisory panel was supposed to be established last month. Again, this has not happened. The Budget Act (Northern Ireland) is not required for any of these measures but they remain frozen. Northern Ireland desperately needs a new impetus for progress. Stagnation and drift is deeply dangerous. It breeds alienation and threatens a return to cycles of sectarian violence, which, at times, seem very close.

A range of concrete steps can and should be taken urgently. The Governments, if they have the will, can take the initiative on these steps and break the deadening grip of the largest parties on the entire process. A new economic and social development plan is required urgently. Entrenched poverty and unemployment must be tackled. Independent of the funding issue, at the least a sense of direction and a demonstration of ambition is required urgently. We need a new energy behind the North-South dimension of the agreement. The lack of interest of the British Government, the party politics of the DUP and Sinn Féin and the lack of urgency from our Government has reduced the North-South dimension to a series of meetings and photo opportunities. All parts of this island are suffering because of the failure to unleash the full potential for co-operation on economic and service development. There are individual examples of progress but they represent only a fraction of the true potential.

For four years we have been hearing about discussions. It is time for action and time to set out specific plans for the development of North-South initiatives, including formal bodies and other initiatives. There is an overpowering case for seeking a joint Border area economic and social services development plan. A lengthy history of sectarianism and 30 years of an illegitimate campaign of violence have caused damage which cannot simply be wished away. An ambitious Border regional plan is badly required.

We also need a new urgency around challenging sectarianism.

While the majority of people are showing a new commitment to cross-community understanding, there is a substantial minority wedded to a deeply sectarian approach. A renewed anti-sectarian initiative is needed and a start should be made by calling out politicians who use sectarianism to further their own agendas. Mr. Gregory Campbell’s childish mockery of the Irish language was not harmless and the fact that he faced no consequences reflects badly on his party. So, too, does the blatantly sectarian campaign of Sinn Féin in North Belfast in the recent election campaign.

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