Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

The Taoiseach has answered 31 questions together, 16 of which are mine. Three and a half years ago he told the House that he and the British Prime Minister, Mr. Cameron, had agreed an urgent set of priorities for Northern Ireland, including deepening economic activity, reviewing institutions and tackling sectarianism. There have since been a number of meetings but no progress. In reality the situation has been allowed to sleepwalk into crisis. The current institutions have been allowed to fall into DUP and Sinn Féin inertia, while the situation on the streets is relatively bad.

Everybody will condemn the behaviour last night of rioters in north Belfast. It is a natural outcome of leaders who work to exploit division rather than seek genuine dialogue and respect. The Nationalists of that area have a basic right to live without the sectarian intimidation they have experienced. I know that many on the other side want to find a genuine accommodation, but real leadership and active engagement have been missing.

Since 2012 the economic and social position of Northern Ireland has deteriorated. We have had a succession of political crises; sectarian tensions have risen; political participation has declined; and alienation from the system has grown. Given all of this, is it not time to try a different approach? Is it not time to become actively engaged again? Should the Taoiseach not admit that the approach which he and the British Prime Minister took at the outset and have followed has not worked and that it is time to change the level of engagement in Northern Ireland?

I put a separate related question to the Taoiseach about the British attitude to the Human Rights Act. The Tory manifesto in the recent UK general election promised to repeal the Human Rights Act and end automatic redress to European courts on human rights issues. A number of questions specifically deal with that issue and I do not believe the Taoiseach addressed it in his reply. This would be a clear breach of commitments made as part of the Good Friday Agreement. The Human Rights Act is a central part of the architecture of peace to which we signed up and for which the people voted. The Taoiseach has taken the approach of trying to avoid direct comments on British policy on most issues, but this must be different. We are not some disinterested party. We have a legal right to demand that no action be taken to undermine a formal treaty between our states. Will the Taoiseach commit to formally stating to the British Government that we oppose the efforts to undermine the Human Rights Act and that we will take legal action over breach of treaty commitments if it proceeds with that policy?

The British Prime Minister has outlined his demands for renegotiation of the United Kingdom's relationship with the European Union at the most recent full meeting of the European Council and in separate meetings with national leaders. Bar what the Taoiseach has just said about taking a constructive approach and so on, he has not said anything about Ireland's position on any of the United Kingdom's core demands. Does he support the various areas in which it wants change? So far what we have heard from him are banal generalities about the United Kingdom looking for more competitiveness and that it does not want to move to an ever-closer Union. What does that mean in practice? What is the substance of the British position? For example, what specific changes is it seeking? Has the Government made formal statements on what the British Government is looking for in its agenda in terms of relationship with the European Union?

Therefore, there are three dimensions: Northern Ireland; Brexit, and the policy of the UK Tory Government to the Human Rights Act. I have had very little time to deal satisfactorily with the 16 questions I tabled.

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