Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

The Taoiseach broke no link. He did nothing, but claimed something that did not happen. He and his Ministers claimed that billions were potentially on the way. At a press conference dominated by the Ministers, Deputies Noonan and Howlin, during which they giggled about how they had just brought home the goose which would be laying golden eggs, it was speculated that Ireland might get over €30 billion in debt relief. Some three years later, we have got nothing. However, this is not the worst of it. The facts show that our Government has not asked for debt relief and has not even mentioned the topic for the past two years.

Over a lengthy period Fianna Fáil has been working to find evidence of what the Government has done in terms of the Taoiseach’s claimed game changer on debt relief. As usual, no information has been provided via parliamentary questions, so we have had to submit a range of freedom of information requests. It was revealed yesterday by thejournal.iethat under this Government the Department of the Taoiseach has dramatically reduced the amount of information it is willing to release under freedom of information. In spite of this, we have been able to put together the basic picture.

Government papers reveal that a deadline of October 2012 was originally set for achieving debt relief. The last time the Taoiseach made direct contact with a European leader about debt was in October 2013, when he contacted the then Council President, Herman Van Rompuy. Since then there has been silence and yet the evidence of the justice of Ireland’s case for Europe to share the cost of bank recapitalisation has actually grown stronger. European institutions and member states insisted on a course of action which limited Ireland’s options and increased its cost, about that there is no doubt.

It is something the Taoiseach has acknowledged, albeit only once in an unscripted comment made in Paris in October 2012. Since then he simply will not say out loud that others should share in the cost of policies which were imposed on Ireland. The only possible explanation for this is that it might get in the way of the party political narrative that Fine Gael wants to keep intact for electoral purposes. The obsession of Fine Gael with the next election can be seen in the newspapers every day and in the Government’s cowardice when it comes to challenging powerful people. That it appears to have stopped it even publicly stating Ireland’s case for justice on its debts is something which is becoming clearer all the time.

The Greek situation will dominate the summit, but the discussion on the long-term governance of the eurozone is just as important. The eurozone is badly flawed, and no one can seriously question that, but the proposals currently under discussion do nothing whatsoever to address the most important flaws. The lack of any ability to transfer resources from stronger regions to regions under pressure is a unique feature of the European single currency. There is no means of addressing embedded structural imbalances. The large balance of payments surpluses in certain countries are to be left in place. They will not be requested to do something about it.

Europe desperately needs a form of fiscal compact which is about helping, not just controlling, each other. The approach is too one-dimensional and yet the Taoiseach is enthusiastically supporting a set of recommendations this week which double down on a policy which states structural changes alone are the route to growth. What is extraordinary about this is that at home the Government has a perfect record of ignoring the advice of the Fiscal Advisory Council. It has undertaken no significant structural reforms and has bet on mass amnesia enabling people to forget that Fine Gael and the Labour Party voted against the majority of budget changes for which they now try to claim credit.

This Government’s European policy is incoherent and serves no obvious Irish or European long-term interest. Another example of this is the Government’s policy towards the Tory Party’s demand for a renegotiation of Britain’s membership of the European Union. The Taoiseach has spoken at length about it, but has managed to say nothing. He has held two meetings with Prime Minister Cameron, but we have no idea what he might have said in these meetings other than the most banal generalities, and we heard more of that in his speech. Of course Ireland wants Britain to remain in the European Union, but we should not want this at any cost.

Britain’s review of the balance of competencies within the Union showed that the bulk of European powers help individual states to compete on a level playing field and give them fair access to trade. Just as important, it allows guarantees of basic working conditions and social supports. Under no circumstances should Ireland support any proposal to turn the European Union away from these progressive policies which have helped Irish citizens more than most. It also appears that key parts of the UK do not share the obsessive euroscepticism of the Tories in England and the DUP and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland. The position of the main parties in Scotland and Wales are very much in line with what should be our position.

At a minimum we deserve some honesty and openness from our Government. What is Britain seeking and what does our Government support in terms of future changes? On balance, Ireland should always be open to participating in trade agreements which open up new markets for companies based here. While the macro elements of TTIP look positive for Europe and Ireland, we need to see more detail. However, because of recent developments in the USA on the US-Pacific deal it is doubtful that anything will happen on TTIP until after the presidential election.

Everybody in the House should acknowledge the work being done by the crew of theLE Eithneto prevent further loss of life and tragedy in the Mediterranean. It is bringing into a new era the proud record of Óglaigh na hÉireann, especially in international humanitarian work. Its dedication should be commended. There are no simple answers to the current refugee crisis. However, it is obvious that a much more ambitious and generous approach to supporting human rights and growth in certain countries is needed.

The Syrian refugee crisis continues to get worse. It is the largest humanitarian crisis in the world at the moment and Ireland should lead the calls for a response which is capable of helping millions of people who have already endured too much.

I welcome the decision to extend sanctions on Russia for its invasion, partition and continued destabilisation of Ukraine. I continue to find it amazing how parties which lecture us constantly on freedom and sovereignty continue to pander to the increasingly authoritarian Putin administration. Sinn Féin’s vote against a European Parliament motion supporting Ukraine has been ignored in the Irish media, but deserves closer attention. I find it extraordinary the degree to which the Irish media has not commented on that vote, when essentially Sinn Féin and others sided with the Russian position and against the Ukraine Government.

The free and democratically elected Government of Ukraine is showing a real commitment to reform, including launching the first credible anti-corruption drive in that country. Debt relief and a credible programme of support are what it now desperately needs. Overall, there needs to be the clear enunciation of the principles of the correct approach to the crisis facing Ukraine, as well as a principled approach to the unacceptable behaviour of Russia in partitioning that country and undermining its efforts to emerge as a stable society and economy.

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