Finian McGrath (Dublin North Central, Independent) | Oireachtas source

I thank the Cathaoirleach for the opportunity to speak to this very important legislation and I welcome the Thirty-fourth Amendment of the Constitution (Peace and Neutrality) Bill. As well as having the broader debate on neutrality, we can consider the tone and content of the legislation, which is basically about saving lives and preventing the death and destruction of people throughout the world. That is why this legislation should be taken very seriously.

I warmly welcome the debate, and we have also had a recent debate on similar legislation. I commend my colleague, Deputy Mick Wallace, for bringing this back to the political agenda today. As I stated, this is about saving lives and being constructive. It is also about highlighting the hypocrisy of many in this country when it comes to the word "neutrality". I have had to sit here this morning and listen to some very windy speeches about this issue. Many of those who are claiming to support neutrality do not do so deep down. They are constantly looking over their shoulder at the US and the European Union in developing our views on foreign policy matters. It is important to say that in this broader debate.

Many people on the "pro-war" or other side of neutrality often try to dismiss those of us who wish to support the principle of neutrality or an independent line as "sitting on the fence" with issues. Being neutral does not equate to sitting on the fence with regard to international conflicts: instead, it is about getting involved with conflict resolution, peacekeeping and humanitarian issues. It is the real, constructive and assertive policy of neutrality which should always be at the core of our international and foreign policy. This is what applies for the vast majority of Irish people. Sadly, there are people in the Government and in some of the other major parties who have a sneaking regard and want to get rid of neutrality and tip the cap to other big international countries in these issues. I will address those later but this neutrality Bill is about saving lives.

There is a rump in the European Union that wants a European army, and that cannot be denied. There is also a rump in Irish society that are banging down the door to get into bed with those people. That is also a political reality. The people in question may argue they are not an aggressive group but they turn up at meetings of the Oireachtas justice committees with reports of "battle groups". They do not speak of peacekeeping but instead the battle group exemplifies the jargon coming from the European Union. We need to resist those people. There is a NATO wing in the current Government, with a rump in the Cabinet and among backbenchers that would have us in NATO tomorrow morning. They think NATO is the greatest thing since the sliced pan. Those of us who support Deputy Wallace's legislation need to put away some political differences and unite on this Bill, as it reflects the historical view of the Irish people.

A number of my colleagues have mentioned the United Nations and I commend that body for its magnificent work. I specifically commend our troops and family members, who have served in the Lebanon and other countries in very difficult missions. The theme is conflict resolution and peacekeeping, which is about trying to save human lives and humanitarianism. That is not aggressive action. I agree that the UN as it stands is out of date and we must modernise and reform it. We also must ensure it can get the backing and reform which we all support. There is much support for that type of policy in international issues.

We saw the scandal of the Iraq war, which brought out thousands of Irish people, including me, to the streets in protest. That was one of the biggest marches in Ireland and almost as big as those which have protested the water tax. The people expressed their opinion about the war in Iraq. It was a criminal act and thousands of innocent people were slaughtered. Now look at the state of the Middle East and the fingerprints all over that crisis. Even last night, the British Labour Party leader, Mr. Ed Miliband, accepted that the country made a major error of judgment with the war in Iraq. As far as I am concerned, it was a criminal act. There is also the issue of Palestine. The Irish people have historically sided with the Palestinian people and we must continue pushing that agenda. The Palestinians need our support for that independent state because there has been a massive swing to the right in the recent Israeli elections. That has led to concerns for many Irish people.

The big issue with which Deputy Wallace has been involved recently is that of Shannon Airport and the facilitation of those on their way to a war zone. That is not positive neutrality. There is an element of economic bullying on the part of the USA and other countries. Why can we not stand up for ourselves and say that while we can disagree with countries on their foreign policies, we can still work with them on trade and other issues? When it comes to Shannon Airport, there is a hidden agenda and one will regularly hear Government backbenchers ask about the jobs in Shannon, Limerick and Clare. That is the constant refrain, which amounts to economic bullying. The facilities at Shannon are being used as part of the preparation for entering a war zone. It is important that we highlight this fact and are honest about it, which does not amount to being anti-American. We should be honest and straight and promote our neutrality in a positive way.

I am also sick and tired of those who come into this House and describe those of us who are in favour of neutrality as isolationists. I am not an isolationist but an internationalist when it comes to conflicts. However, I am not an imperialist and would never support imperialism or the slaughter of innocent people. A class A example of this relates to our policy on Cuba. We have taken a different line to the USA with regard to Cuba but recent developments indicate that the Americans are changing their Cuban policy now. President Obama has accepted that US sanctions and the years of torturing the people of Cuba must come to an end. Ireland has stood its ground on Cuba and I am glad to see that we have developed more economic ties with that country recently.

The triple-lock has been much discussed and is crucial in the context of this debate about the integrity of our neutrality. I know plenty of people in this House, some of whom sit at the Cabinet table, who would drop the triple lock in the morning if they could and we need to keep an eye on that. In the run-up to the centenary of 1916, it is important that we identify with this legislation. Next year we will be honouring the men and women who participated in the 1916 Rising. They would want an independent foreign policy and would be supportive of this legislation. There is another event from 1916 that is very upsetting and while I have no problem with people commemorating their dead, I do have a problem with people glorifying war. The Battle of the Somme, for example, which happened in 1916, for many people symbolises the true horror of warfare. By the end of that battle, the British had 420,000 casualties, including nearly 60,000 on the first day alone. The French lost 200,000 men and the Germans lost nearly 500,000 men. That is what happened at the Battle of the Somme. Let us commemorate the dead but let us not glorify war. I mention the Battle of the Somme today because it is relevant to the debate on this legislation, which is pro-peace, anti-war and which puts forward a constructive policy on neutrality

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