Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. It is four months since Northern Ireland-related topics have arisen during Questions to the Taoiseach. That is an example of the impact of cancelling questions on Wednesdays, which the Taoiseach did some years ago, and of failing to re-schedule Tuesday sessions when he is away on other business. It is also a good illustration of how Northern Ireland matters have been marginalised in the House.

The budget Sinn Féin and the DUP have been moving through the Assembly contains a raft of what could be termed "deep austerity measures". Despite all we have heard about them, it is fair to say that those who are allegedly radically against austerity are busily implementing these cuts. The trade unions in the North have started a campaign on these cuts calling them "a savage attack on public services in Northern Ireland". All that has been achieved in the two years of posturing by Sinn Féin and others is a moving around of cuts between Departments and more borrowing to try to deal with the situation.

The Irish National Teachers Organisation, INTO, for example, estimates that schools, which all of us will agree are key to the future of Northern Ireland, will experience a 4% cut in real terms and the loss of 500 teachers, which is a worry given the fact that in parts of east Belfast and west Belfast, there are significant early school leaving figures that bode ill in terms of the future. We need more investment in education in the North, not less; we need more school completions in the North, not less; and we need proper linkages between education and a bridge to third level and a bridge to employment, not less. I do not believe, therefore, that this aspect of the deal is good for Northern Ireland. There are exceptional issues relating to Northern Ireland that need financial underpinning. Will the Taoiseach comment on that? Does he believe that this is the case?

I was in Northern Ireland last week speaking to analysts and academics and I was shocked at the poor school completion rates in many state schools. Up to 40% of pupils do not complete second level. In many of the socio-economically disadvantaged areas in the North such as west Belfast, east Belfast and Lurgan, school completion figures are shocking. If we want a proper dividend from the Good Friday Agreement, I would have thought that both Governments and the Executive would have made one major effort to deal with educational achievement and attainment, in particular focusing on school completion rates. We did this in the Republic. The school completion rate was 78% in 1997-98 whereas now it is 91%. That was because of focused policies dealing with disadvantage, which have achieved significant results. If there was a similar singular focus on such issues, better school completion rates could be achieved in many socio-economically disadvantaged areas in Northern Ireland. That would contribute in the long term to a more sustainable peace than we currently have because the interface walls are as high as ever and they have increased in number.

This is a huge issue in terms of whether or how they will ever come down and in terms of integration.

I do not understand how Sinn Féin or the DUP can stand over the cuts on teachers and investment in education, because this is the main issue at the core of social and education policy in the North. The health indices are also very poor in some communities, in terms of life outcomes, quality of life and so on. Does the Taoiseach think this aspect of the Stormont House Agreement is a good deal?

I accept and agree it is imperative that a significant effort must be made to implement the agreement. Many of these agreements are made, but significant numbers of items on the agenda tend to be delayed in implementation. As far as I can see, all that has been implemented so far is the austerity budget.

Cross-Border co-operation is a weak dimension to the agreement. It has been withering on the vine over the past years, there is a lack of momentum in terms of the institutions that have been established and morale is low in a number of cross-Border institutions. Has the Government any agenda in terms of significantly enhancing cross-Border co-operation, in particular between the existing institutions, and are there any ideas for new cross-Border institutions? I believe, for example, that there should be just one Enterprise Ireland on the island, supporting all small to medium sized enterprises. I see no reason for two such institutions as one would suffice. However, these issues are not even being put on the table for these talks.

On the issue of parades, does the Taoiseach believe that the issue of devolving the management and decision making in regard to parades should go to the Assembly? Politics is all around these issues and the political system and the politicians have not been capable of resolving the parades issue. The Parades Commission was undermined - and by the British Government in recent times - in a number of ways. If we stack it up against what has been proposed, a strong independent and objective parades commission is a better option than leaving the issue to the Assembly. Three or four years ago, the political parties promised they would resolve the parades issue, but they did not do so. Many of the issues raised in the Stormont House Agreement have been kicked down the line, but the danger in kicking the can down the road is that matters only get worse in terms of how they are managed. The parades issue in particular has always been a catalyst for potential difficulties and I do not believe devolving it to the Assembly is a great idea. That decision should be revisited.

In terms of the past, I welcome some elements of the agreement. However, I was in south Armagh last week and met the parents of Paul Quinn. I had almost to pinch myself to accept the reality that they have got no satisfaction in any shape or form in terms of anyone owning up to his murder or giving information to the police. This man was murdered in an unspeakable manner, with every bone in his body broken. There seems to be a vow of omertain place across the entire community. Sinn Féin personnel have undermined the individual murdered, releasing unfounded rumours about him. I met the support group and the parents. Paul Quinn's parents would be cynical and sceptical about any look at the legacy of the past, but this murder happened in the more recent past, just a number of years ago, yet there has been no response from anybody in the IRA. It seems a different law applies and nobody can provide any resolution or sense to the family in regard to what happened.

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