Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I move:

That Dáil Éireann---

notes that:

— in 2011, the Irish Government upgraded the status, titles, and functional privileges of the Palestinian Mission to Ireland to close to that of an embassy;

— in November 2012, Ireland voted in favour of the United Nations General Assembly motion granting "non-member observer state" status to Palestine;

— the long-standing commitment Irish Governments have given to the development of a viable, sovereign Palestinian state, and their support for the achievement of a sovereign State of Palestine existing in peace with its neighbours including the State of Israel;

— as of 8 December 2014, 135 countries have formally recognised the State of Palestine, including eight EU member states - the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Malta, Cyprus and Sweden;

— Seanad Éireann, on 22 October 2014, unanimously accepted a motion calling on the Government "to formally recognise the State of Palestine and do everything it can at the international level to help secure a viable two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict"; and

— on 30 October 2014, Sweden became the first EU member state to formally recognise the State of Palestine while a member state of the EU;

recognises that:

— finding a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians, and between Arabs and Israelis in a broader context, is a key element of Irish foreign policy;

— the right of Palestinians to self-determination and to have their own state as well as the right of the State of Israel to exist within secure borders are unquestionable; and

— continued Israeli settlement construction and extension activities in the West Bank, including in East Jerusalem, as well as the continued expropriation of Palestinian land and demolition of Palestinian property by Israel is illegal and severely threatens the establishment of a viable Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders;

concludes that:

— the international law criteria for recognition of a Palestinian state have been fulfilled; and

— the achievement of a fully independent sovereign State of Palestine is an essential element to the resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict; and calls on the Government to:

— officially recognise the State of Palestine, on the basis of the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as the capital, as established in UN resolutions, as a further positive contribution to securing a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict;

— do all it can to assist in the development of the democratic and state institutions of the Palestinian State; and

— do everything it can, at the international level, to help secure an inclusive and viable peace process, and two-state solution, in order to bring about the positive conditions to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

I welcome the Government's decision not to oppose the motion. That means both Houses of the Oireachtas will support the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, the recognition of the Palestinian state and sovereignty for the Palestinian people. This is a substantial and positive development which means that Ireland is now a significant part of the consensus for peace and progress in the Middle East. I have long argued that as a colonised people with a history of resistance and a peace process we could play a leadership role in the search for peace in the region.

This is the correct stand for Ireland. It is the moral stand. The motion is about advancing the position, which is very straightforward. It recognises the right of Palestinians to self-determination and, in the words of the motion, "to have their own state as well as the right of the State of Israel to exist within secure borders". It calls on the Government to "officially recognise the State of Palestine, on the basis of the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as the capital, as established in UN resolutions, as a further positive contribution to securing a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict."

It calls on the Government to do all it can to assist in the development of the democratic and state institutions of the Palestinian state and to do everything it can at international level to help secure an inclusive and viable peace process and two-state solution in order to bring about the positive conditions to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The motion is about hope. In a region where there is precious little hope and tensions are increasing daily there is an onus on the international community to provide meaningful leadership.

I travelled to the region last week. It was my fourth visit in eight years. Five years ago I spent two days in Gaza, as well as visiting Ramallah and Jerusalem. I saw for myself the devastating impact of the Israeli war of 2008 and 2009 on the people and infrastructure of Gaza. This time the Israeli Government refused me leave to visit and gave no explanation. The Israeli assault during the summer was even more shocking than that of five years ago. Some 2,200 Palestinians were killed, including 500 children, while over 90 entire families were wiped out. The physical damage to the infrastructure of Gaza was enormous. Thousands of families whose homes were destroyed now face a cold winter.

In Ramallah and Jerusalem I met President Abbas and others in the Palestinian Authority, with NGOs and representatives of Palestinian organisations. In Jerusalem I met Israeli activists and NGOs. Many Israeli citizens understand the deeply corrosive effect of the occupation of Palestinian land, the apartheid system which Israel has created and the brutality and dehumanising impact of the actions of the Israeli Defence Forces, IDF.

Over 5 million Palestinian refugees are scattered in camps in the occupied West Bank, Lebanon, the Gaza Strip and Jordan. Children, parents and grandparents have known nothing but refugee camps, some of which came into existence in 1948. Last week I spoke to Yehuda Shaul, a former sergeant and commander in the Israeli army. He is a co-director of Breaking the Silence, an organisation made up of former Israeli soldiers who speak out against the actions of the IDF. Both he and his colleagues are deeply concerned about the moral price Israel and its citizens are paying to maintain the occupation, as well as the terrible impact on Palestinians. These former soldiers are Israeli patriots who believe speaking out against injustice is necessary to defend Israel, as well as to advance the rights of Palestinians. He dismisses Israeli Government claims that its military operations are defensive and to oppose terrorism. He believes this is only a small part of the strategy. The reality on the ground is that Israeli actions have led to the de facto annexation of large sections of the West Bank. He also believes claims by successive Israeli Governments that the occupation is temporary and will end with a peace deal are not true. He believes the current Israeli policy of occupation, separation and settlements is not designed as a temporary measure but is intended to be permanent. In his view, "It's all about maintaining Israeli military control over Palestinians."

During my visit last week the separation wall was a constant oppressive presence. It is a scar on the land and the conscience of Israel and the international community. It stretches for 700 km; it is multi-layered, often with a 60 m wide exclusion zone and a concrete wall 8 m high. It snakes up and down hills, alongside motorways, down the middle of streets and through Palestinian communities. It prevents Palestinian farmers from getting to their farmland and captures within its boundary Palestinian land that is then annexed by the Israeli Government. It is all about control. The wall and the hundreds of IDF military checkpoints and road blocks drive a wedge between Israelis and Palestinians but also between Palestinians. For Palestinians to move around even within the West Bank, there is a monitoring system involving Israeli Government permits and permissions which significantly limit their freedom of movement and severely inhibit economic growth. In addition, the Israeli settlements which are illegal under international law also act as barriers to movement. Palestinians are forbidden to enter these territories. On a daily basis the Israeli authorities decide what goods are transferred from city to city and village to village. They decide what businesses can open, who can pass through the checkpoints and gets to school. Houses, motor vehicles, electronic goods and farm animals can all be taken at the discretion of a soldier. Sometimes they even confiscate people for use during training exercises to practise making arrests.

The fabric of life for Palestinians is rooted in fear; it is arbitrary and constantly changing at the whim of the Israeli authorities. This is no way for families, children and millions of Palestinian citizens to live, nor is it acceptable that the Palestinian Authority has sole jurisdiction over only 17% of the West Bank. That is the equivalent of the Irish Government being told by a foreign government that it has jurisdiction over just two thirds of Leinster. Almost two thirds of the occupied West Bank - known as Area C - is under total Israeli control. The separation wall and the sterile roads and streets - the term used by the Israeli authorities - from which Palestinians are banned are symptomatic of an institutionalised structured system of economic, cultural and social apartheid that brings shame to Israel and the international community because of its failure to take a stand against it.

Yehuda Shaul said:

Occupation takes place every day; it is an offensive act every day. [It is] a national security concept dependent on absolute control - a status quothat is not a frozen reality and is being entrenched every day ... The International community is failing Israelis and Palestinians. There is a lot of talk but no action. Nowhere in history did people wake up one morning and give up their privileges ... the international community has to raise the price for Israel of the current status quo... No one will live in dignity or freedom here. Neither the Palestinians nor Israelis until there is a sovereign Palestinian state. This is the right patriotic position.

As the Irish people suffered centuries of colonisation and occupation, we understand all of these matters. We understand also the role of struggle in the achievement of freedom and independence. Consequently, Irish people identify with the circumstances confronting the Palestinian people, but that does not mean that we are anti-Israel. On the contrary, our desire is to see two sovereign states established. The first step on this path must be a recognition that Palestine is a sovereign state. There are many others, including Alon Liel and Nan Baruch, whom I met and who are former professional diplomats who have written to all Members. They support the campaign to secure official government recognition by EU member states and others and have lobbied us to bring this about. They ask why the right of the Palestinian people, their sovereignty and statehood, should be dependent on Israel which is a state with an embassy in Dublin and other cities throughout the world. The Palestinians are represented here by a mission. That is wrong and I have raised the matter regularly with the Taoiseach.

We must stand with the Palestinian and Israeli citizens who want peace and are taking risks for it. The passing of the motion would be an important contribution. On the back of it being accepted, the Government should take a leadership role in pushing for greater action by the international community. It should also follow the logic of the motion and upgrade the Palestinian mission to a full embassy.

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