Brendan Smith (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I join you, a Cheann Comhairle, and the Minister of State in welcoming the Ukrainian ambassador. In the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade we had the opportunity to engage with the ambassador on these very important issues.

I very much welcome your initiative, a Cheann Comhairle, in suggesting a common motion on the crisis developing in Ukraine and we welcome that the motion before us today is one which evidently has very strong support in this House. On behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party, I am glad to welcome the motion.

The situation in Ukraine is a stark reminder of a more troubling past when Europe was divided by walls, border checks and two very diverging political ideologies. The reunification of East and West can only truly be said to have come about on 1 May 2004 when the European Union welcomed ten new member states from eastern and central Europe. This day was a homecoming of sorts for those countries who had suffered so much under previous totalitarian regimes of both left and right. On that historic day many Members of this House attended ceremonies to mark the accession of those ten new member states to the European Union.

What we have seen in Ukraine in recent weeks is an unfortunate return to Cold War politics. The gradual collapse of the previous Ukrainian regime was inevitable once it resorted to attacking its own citizens. Fianna Fáil has raised the Ukrainian crisis in the Dáil on a number of occasions since January through numerous parliamentary questions and a number of Topical Issue debates. We were not afraid to be an independent voice for what was right then and we are certainly not afraid of being an independent voice now.

In January and February we criticised the Ukrainian authorities for their fatal attacks on their own citizens which left the world in shock. We did not hesitate in calling on the European Union to impose sanctions on the Ukrainian rulers who were responsible for these reprehensible attacks. We are now calling on the European Union to respond in an appropriate manner to the Russian policy of aggression which threatens to destabilise the whole region if not confronted properly.

The European Council meeting on 20 and 21 of March focused on the Ukrainian crisis and issued a number of welcome conclusions. EU member states signed the political provisions of the association agreement with Ukraine. The rejection of this association agreement by the previous Ukrainian Administration was central in beginning the protests which have resulted in a dramatic change in the political landscape in that country.

Fianna Fáil also welcomes the European Council's strong condemnation of the annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol to the Russian Federation and supports the decision not to recognise that annexation.

In the absence of any steps towards de-escalation, the European Council has correctly decided on an extension of the visa ban and assets freeze and cancelled the next EU-Russia summit. While we agree that we must always ensure that the EU remains open for dialogue, we welcome the European Council decision not to exclude additional and far-reaching consequences for relations with Russia in case of any further steps by the Russian Federation to destabilise the situation in Ukraine.

In fact, we would support US style sanctions on Russia to show that Europe is not afraid to stand up for what is right despite the impact these sanctions might have on European trade. If there is any update on the Council's request to the Commission and the member states to prepare possible targeted measures, the Minister of State might update the House in this regard. The decision to advance the signature of the association agreements with Georgia and Moldova must also be welcomed.

It is Fianna Fáil's position that the results of the one-sided and clearly illegitimate referendum about Crimea becoming a part of the Russian Federation have far-reaching consequences for the concepts of national territory and sovereignty which must concern us all.

It is obvious to everyone here that there has been an ongoing attempt by Russia to muddy the waters and create distractions about Ukraine in the past three months, but it is clear that what we believe we are dealing with is a former imperial power that is acting with aggression against a sovereign state. This crisis has been directly created by the mindset that Russia has the right to control the destiny of a state that used to be a part of the Soviet Union. Russia hopes that the strength of its verbal and commercial counterattacks will prevent the democratic world from standing up to it. We should ensure that its contention is incorrect in this matter.

It appears to be the wish of the strong majority of Ukrainian people to be part of the European democratic mainstream. If that is their wish, then our belief in the supremacy of democratic principles must ensure that their wish be respected. Russia's reaction thus far has been antidemocratic and aggressive. The Russian authorities began by threatening to crush the Ukrainian economy if an association agreement was signed with the European Union. They have now succeeded in undermining the sovereign territory of Ukraine.

It is our contention that every single element of Russia's story for the annexation of Crimea is illegitimate. We have already outlined our thinking on this matter in the Dáil and at the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade but it is important to re-emphasise that again here today. Along with colleagues from all parties we engaged in strong and vigorous debate with the ambassador of the Russian Federation to Ireland at that time. My party's leader, Deputy Martin, referred to the work of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade in discussing and having the opportunity to bring in the Ukrainian and Russian ambassadors to hear at first hand our concerns and also give them the opportunity to put forward their points of view. At that committee Members of all political parties and none were very vigorous in their condemnation of the Russian actions.

Russia had begun its efforts to undermine the sovereign territory of Ukraine by stating that its actions were to defend Russian civilians from being suppressed by Kiev. The facts remain that, at that time, the only people who had been beaten off the street were Russians protesting against their Government in Moscow and Ukrainians supporting their Government in Sevastopol. No evidence whatsoever of the mistreatment of the Russian minority has been produced. Of course, we would not stand for any minority being denied their basic rights in any country. The initial claims of more than 500,000 people fleeing to Russia lacked any credibility and, as a result, Moscow dropped these claims from its narrative. The only fleeing populations have been Ukrainians and Tartars fleeing from the Crimea.

Second, there is the falsehood that no Russian troops were involved in actions on Ukrainian territory. The Russian authorities seem to believe that by taking markings off uniforms, they will convince the rest of the world they are not involved. The evidence in this regard is clear. All of the vehicles being used at that time to control Crimea had Russian military number plates and these vehicles included light and heavy armour. The weapons available to the annexation troops are standard issue for Russian troops. Most conclusively, the warships blockading the Ukrainian fleet were Russian. Unless Moscow expects us to accept that replica warships to ones in its fleets appeared and were under the control of local militias, the evidence is conclusive, namely, Russian troops invaded and took control of Ukrainian territory.

Third, the legitimacy of Viktor Yanukovych as Head of State in Kiev is still being supported by Russia, he having fled to Russia seeking help. What is lost in this argument is the fact that Mr. Yanukovych is responsible for killing demonstrators on the streets of Kiev. It was he who refused to implement agreements to resolve the crisis and he who fled the country. No one is asking for his restoration to office given the evidence of the kleptocracy he ran, and that evidence is now overwhelming.

Finally, Russia claims there is nothing to hide. Yet, extraordinary steps are being taken to prevent any external agency from gaining a presence on the ground in Ukraine. The Minister of State referred to the importance and potential of the work of the OSCE, which is directly charged with being able to monitor these situations. It has groups on constant standby, ready to go into areas of unrest or conflict and create the basis for a unified international reaction. However, the OSCE monitoring team has repeatedly been refused access to Crimea by Russian forces. This has included an incident where an OSCE monitoring team, including a senior officer of the Irish Army, had warning shots fired at it. In addition, a United Nations representative was subjected to mob intimidation while Russian troops looked on. That is not acceptable to the international community.

In order to engage with Russia on this issue, we need to ensure that the facts do not get lost in the spin over substance approach of the Russian authorities. We need to ensure that the European Union and the United States do not engage in a fanciful debate which gives any credit to false accusations which suit one agenda alone. We need the facts from both sides.

The actions taken by Russia over the past few weeks have been very disturbing in their likeness to similar actions and tactics used by Germany in the 1930s. We all hope that the confiscation of Crimea and the undermining of other nations' national sovereignty is the end of the similarities between the German authoritarian regime in the 1930s and the actions of the Russian authorities today. We are all well aware that Russia is not Nazi Germany but it is an increasingly authoritarian state and a consistent opponent of basic democratic norms and the right of the international community to promote those norms.

Russia's support of the Assad regime in Syria has helped the latter to survive and create a humanitarian catastrophe. That much is clear. The non-working of the United Nations and its failure to achieve a resolution to assist in the catastrophe and major humanitarian disaster in Syria, due to this being blocked by China and Russia, is most disappointing. The United Nations Organisation, which we depend upon to promote harmony, to deal with international issues and to deal with issues concerning poverty, hunger and famine, has not been working, unfortunately. To some extent, Syria has gone off our screens and it does not get the coverage it did in the past, but the horrors of Syria remain.

Some have asserted that Ireland should not take a position on this matter, that we are a neutral country and that taking a position undermines that claim. Some state that we should only be concerned with business and trade when dealing with these issues. I fundamentally disagree with this point of view. The fact is that if we are a country which believes in the rule of law in the international community, if we are a country that believes democracy matters and that basic human rights should be respected, we must speak up about what has happened and what is happening in the Ukraine at present.

We brought motions before this House in January and February in regard to the disturbances and loss of life in Kiev under the previous Administration. We outlined at that time our concerns and, I believe, the concerns of the Irish people in regard to that situation. Equally, today, we will express the views and concerns of our own people when there is so much at issue.

I note the very recent comments attributed to a senior NATO officer, who referred to Russia's placing of its forces on Ukraine's border. He said that if it decided to carry out an incursion into the country, it could achieve its objective in three to five days. That commentary, if valid, is very worrying. It is estimated in the same commentary that a 40,000 strong force of Russian soldiers is on the Ukrainian border. Reference has also been made to the Russian forces having aircraft and helicopter support as well as field hospitals and electronic warfare capabilities. As part of the international community, we should hope there will be no further Russian intervention in Ukraine, which would be a mistake of monumental and historic proportions.

As I said to the Minister of State, Deputy Donohoe, on Question Time earlier today, we must have a strong voice at the EU Council of Foreign Ministers in regard to this very important issue. We want the issue dealt with as quickly as possible to make clear that we stand up for the rule of international law and that we will not accept, where possible, encroachment on people's sovereignty and interference with territorial integrity by a foreign power. What has been happening over the past few weeks is not acceptable. I am glad to have the opportunity to support the motion put before us by the Minister of State, Deputy Donohoe.

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