Robert Troy (Longford-Westmeath, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

Last Friday we witnessed the deep respect the Irish people have for the fundamental law of the land, the Irish Constitution. It was a shot across the bows of any cynical personal constitutional crusade and a timely reminder that it is the people who ultimately decide the rules by which we are governed. I hope that the Government does not draw the wrong lesson from the Seanad abolition debacle. It was a vote for real reform, not the status quo. There is a pressing and urgent demand for meaningful political reform in this country. Last week's vote reflected the fact that people want more than mere cosmetic tinkering and cynical stunts.

The economic crisis has exposed some of the profound institutional weaknesses in how we do politics in this country. However, the crisis also allows us an opportunity to focus on these problems, set out a new vision and improve matters. We must look at this juncture in history as an opportunity to set right the ship of State for future generations. Today's topic reflects one of the pressing areas that we need to address if we are to build a political system fit for purpose in 21st century Ireland. The chronic under-representation of women in public life and archaic language of the Constitution is a serious barrier to the kind of society we hope to achieve in a modern republic.

The work of the Constitutional Convention is an important move towards addressing these issues.

To first address the role of the woman in the home, the gender specific language employed by the Constitution and its articles prescribing that a woman's role is in the home belong to a separate time and different Ireland. While it is easy now to be critical of outdated thinking, to do so is to fall into the old trap of reading history backwards. The past is a foreign country and we should be wary of projecting our values on it in too harsh a manner. The Constitution is a delicate balance of modern needs, tradition and precedents. The language in Article 41 no longer reflects such a balance as it fails to represent a modern Ireland. Against this backdrop, it must be amended.

As is captured in the essence of Article 41, the care provided in the home is the backbone of society. However, the provision of care and an active role in the home is not confined solely to women. I welcome steps to ensure the article will reflect gender neutral language and maintain the recognition of the role of a caring home as the invaluable basis for the common good. The Fianna Fáil Party concurs with the Constitutional Convention's findings in this regard and the viewpoint previously expressed by the Constitution Review Group report of 1996 that the Constitution should recognise the significant contribution made to society by the many people who care for children, elderly relatives and others in their homes. Amending Article 41 will reflect the deep value care gives to society, while upholding the founding values of the Republic, as echoed from the GPO when the Proclamation gave equal recognition to Irish men and women.

To address the second issue of encouraging greater female participation in public life, I am all too aware that my party failed to have any female Deputies elected in the previous election. It is worth reviewing the stark facts surrounding the gaping chasm in gender representation at the heart of Irish politics. Women account for only 15% of Dáil Deputies. While this is the best level of female representation in the history of the House, it marks an increase of only 5% in 35 years. Of our 43 constituencies, 21 did not elect a single female Deputy in 2011, largely as a result of a lack of female candidates on the ballot paper. Despite the use of multi-member constituencies, almost half of Irish women do not have a female Deputy in their constituency. Since the foundation of the State, the Dáil has never been less than 85% male. Progress was made between 1977 and 1992 when the percentage of female Deputies increased from 4% to 12%.

At local level, the story is similar, with women making up only 16% of elected local authority representatives, which represents an increase of just 1% in ten years. This is despite women comprising approximately one third of the membership of the main political parties. The National Women's Council estimates that at the current pace, it will take 370 years to achieve gender balance in Irish politics. Ireland has one of the worst rates of gender balance in its political institutions in the democratic world. We rank 23rd out of the 27 European Union countries and 78th in the world in terms of female representation in the lower house of parliament. The facts are striking and an indictment of our failure to achieve a representative democracy worthy of the name.

Before discussing constitutional change, it would be remiss of us to exclude the need for soft measures to enhance female participation levels. Tackling the issues of child care, cash, confidence, culture and candidate selection procedures, the so-called "five Cs" which create major barriers to female participation in politics, will involve coherent Government action across a number of areas. Constitutional change is only one part of a broader process that must involve family friendly working hours, improved child care provision and a cultural shift within political parties. Recognising our own failings, the Fianna Fáil Party launched a detailed policy document outlining proposals to confront the problem of gender equality within the party. The party system needs to recognise the scale and depth of the problem and outline actions to tackle it.

Hard legislative and constitutional measures such as gender quotas must strike a balance between democratic choice and directly incentivising greater levels of female engagement. While the linking of party funding to candidate levels was a welcome step in this direction, a direct constitutional article on gender quotas and Government action would not be appropriate. We welcome the Constitutional Convention's recommendation that gender equality be explicitly recognised in Article 40 of the Constitution.

It is important to bear in mind that advancing women's participation in politics requires a blend of soft cultural and hard legislative action. The Constitution should sustain this with a clear expression of our commitment to real gender equality.

I thank the participants in the Constitutional Convention for their thoughtful contribution over a range of topics to date. Their work and thoughtful reflections have been a major addition to the national discourse on reform. I hope the Government, in light of last Friday's rejection of the proposal to abolish the Seanad, will take the leash off the convention and allow it to discuss a wide range of topics. A constrained convention will not live up to its potential or the pressing need for deep, sustained and real political reform. I look forward to the Government engaging with these issues and taking action on them in the future.

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