James Bannon (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I thank the Acting Chairman. While considering the top-heavy composition of State administration, I strongly believe that quality and not quantity is the way forward to create an effective, well functioning and economically viable political system. This Bill on a referendum proposing the abolition of the Seanad follows on from a number of other reforms already introduced by the Government. As soon as it took office, the Government reduced the pay of the Taoiseach, Ministers and Deputies, increased the number of Dáil sitting days and removed the automatic entitlements to State cars and drivers. Before taking office, Members on this side had witnessed the ridiculous situation in which the previous Fianna Fáil-led Government put off the holding of the Donegal South-West by-election by almost 18 months. The present Government guaranteed that by-elections would take place within six months and an example of this was the recent Meath East by-election. The days of a government playing political football by deliberately delaying by-elections has become a thing of the past. Moreover, spending limits on presidential elections have been reduced by more than half a million euro and reform measures for local government recently have been announced.

The Bill before Members demonstrates the Government is continuing to demonstrate it means business in respect of real political reform. The 32nd amendment of the Constitution, as promised under the programme for Government and if passed by the people of Ireland, will totally overhaul the political system. These measures are radical, wide-reaching and further evidence the present Administration is determined to lead from the top by delivering real change for the benefit of all citizens. The reforms contained in this Bill, if passed by the people, will result in a leaner, more efficient political system. At a time when the Government is calling for reform, cutbacks and staff reductions in the public sector, what better way to set a good example than to reduce the number of Oireachtas Members and get its own house in order? The Oireachtas is top-heavy for a small country and the cost to taxpayers is not justified. The abolition of the Seanad will result in savings of €45 million annually and expecting redundancies in other areas of public service without setting its own house in order is the height of hypocrisy, which is something one would get only from Fianna Fáil. During the Ahern and Cowen years in government - in which Deputy Micheál Martin participated fully for 13 or 14 years at senior ministerial level - which were not terribly long ago - one should consider the number of high-flying junior Ministers who were given office as a sop to ambitious backbenchers, as well as to quell unrest in a wilting Government that had been in office for too long. This useless move cost Irish taxpayers a staggering €160,000 per annum per Minister in salaries alone, which does not count the additional costs such as staff, refurbishment of offices at huge expense to the State, administration and drivers, not to mention foreign travel. Had such surplus-to-need Ministers and administration costs been axed at that time, this Bill proposing the abolition of the Seanad might not be before Members today.

The Taoiseach by this action hopes to make Government smaller, while at the same time strengthening good governance at national level. He hopes it will bring trust and integrity into the political system after all the scandals, which is badly needed. The old saying that there is nothing permanent except for change is true in this case. Members must create new ways and must adjust their political habits in such a way that citizens and young people in particular, feel attracted to political participation after all the scandals and fiascos that took place under Fianna Fáil. Even with the abolition of the Seanad, my biggest concern is whether politics can ever regain its place in society as a respectable body. Members should consider what is happening in the Middle East and the Mediterranean countries with riots and revolutions. Our political environment must be changed to show people we represent a new faith in government and a force of real change. While the present Administration has been implementing its policies of reform from the outset, from the manner in which Fianna Fáil is carrying on in opposition, it is evident that its members are not prepared to change from their old, corrupt ways of waste. No matter how Fianna Fáil tries to spin the matter, it has done a U-turn on this issue, although it is difficult to see what they have to lose at this stage. Every man, woman and child in the country knows what went on under Fianna Fáil and what still is going on. Their cover has been well and truly blown by the greed of those who were and still are milking the system. Whether one likes it or not, Fianna Fáil has been bailing out its cronies. It put a noose around the necks of Irish people which will tighten daily until the political system is reformed fully and the country is put back on the rails fully.

At the last Constitutional Convention meeting held on 8 and 9 June in baking hot sunshine, participants were debating options for the reform of the Dáil electoral system, the size of constituencies, the numbers of Deputies, the possibility of non-parliamentary Ministers and the case for an electoral commission to oversee the preparation and maintenance of electoral registers to foster integrity in the electoral system. While this was fine, in my opinion the topic of radical plans such as the proposal to abolish or reform the Seanad also should have been included, as we live in a parliamentary democracy. Most parliaments have a second chamber and such second chambers take many forms. The United Kingdom still has its hereditary House of Lords, while other European countries have chambers elected by representatives of local bodies. In some countries, the chamber is selected by the members of parliament and in others, it is elected by the same electorate as is the parliament, albeit with different kinds of constituencies. It may be stated that the success of the second chamber is closely related to the logic of the principle on which it is selected. The respective powers of the two chambers also differ greatly, with many second chambers having certain functions of their own. For example, the American Senate must ratify all treaties and all appointments to certain important posts by a two-thirds majority. In some countries, the second chamber tries cases of treason and serious dereliction of public duty by Ministers and senior officials on the accusation by the parliament, in a practice termed impeachment.

I am sorry to note, however, that in Ireland, it has lost nearly all its powers. All it can do is hold up a measure for a limited period or demand its reconsideration. As far as I can recall, during my term in the Seanad a section of a Bill was partially redrafted in one case. The Seanad has no power in enforcing a change of Cabinet and the fact that the second Chamber's powers are now limited causes problems for the public looking in. I regret that over the years, there was such an unwillingness on the part of the political establishment to bring about a reform of the Seanad. I suppose one could state it was a lack of responsibility by successive Governments and the failure to modernise or to find new tasks for the Seanad, particularly after joining the European Union, probably resulted in this Bill before Members this evening.

Senator Marc MacSharry's irresponsible behaviour and performance last week, particularly his attack on the Taoiseach, has created much public controversy and jibed remarks about its role. One remark I heard at the weekend was that the Senator behaved like a dying wasp or a hive of bees when their cosy nest has been poked and that he went out of control in an attempt to protect his own cosy little arrangement. In any event, the 1937 Constitution outlines its role as the second Chamber and its political structure. Its intent was good and was designed to create a role for sections of society including agriculture, education, industry, arts, commerce and culture. A platform was provided for graduates and intellectuals from third level institutions.

If the citizens of Ireland decide to abolish the Seanad, will the future be better? Will there be genuine reform of the Dáil? The Seanad had a very poor record in the 21st century. We saw the arrival of the troika to force us to get our national finances under control after the reckless Ahern and Cowen years brought our little country to a dysfunctional state until this Government took office. I hope we will see real reform as promised by the Taoiseach and this Government once the people take the decision, and that is up to the people. It is not our decision. We will put the question to the people in a referendum and it is for them to decide.

See this speech in context