Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I am sure the Taoiseach will agree that citizens have the right to picket peacefully. The leader of Fianna Fáil appears not to believe in that right. As one of those people who was baton-charged, gassed and water cannoned off the streets over a long period, I am of the view that drawing a comparison between a peaceful picket and the loyalist riots during which Sinn Féin councillors received death threats, the homes of Alliance councillors were fire-bombed, the offices of Alliance councillors and other representatives were fire-bombed and a series of illegal marches - there were also other breaches of the Parades Commission's stipulations - were held in the Short Strand, Rasharkin and Carrick Hill shows just where we stand. I agree that there is a very accountable policing service. Had we listened to the advice offered by a previous Fianna Fáil Government or by the then SDLP Minister of Justice, however, we would not have such a service.

We were told that the policing and justice powers for which Sinn Féin was negotiating were not achievable. We stayed with our negotiations and eventually got a system that, while not perfect, was commendable, given where we had come from.

In the Taoiseach's answer, he implicitly agreed with my charge that actions of the British Government were undermining the institutions. He stated that there had been no action on Pat Finucane - he disagrees with the British, and they and the Irish Government have different positions - no action on Ballymurphy and no action on the Dublin-Monaghan bombings. As he has not corrected me, I assume he accepts my assertion that the British Government has reneged on the St. Andrews commitments.

I have made considered proposals to the Taoiseach on these matters. What is the Irish Government doing about this situation? As an equal co-guarantor of the agreement, the Irish Government does not just have a duty to raise the issue with the British. Mr. Cameron is not perfidious Albion, but he might be preoccupied or not know. The Government should make a case. Prior to the Saville inquiry into events in Derry, for example, the Government of the day made a case in co-operation with the families and others. I know for a fact that that case persuaded the then Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, to opt for the type of inquiry that eventually came about. The same could be done in the case of Mr. Finucane, the Ballymurphy massacre, the Dublin-Monaghan bombings or any other event.

Similarly, Acht na Gaeilge and the bill of rights are not being acted upon. The British set up a commission and hid behind it for two or three years. Ironically, the commission found that the North was a unique place and had suffered from conflict, that there were divisions, etc. It argued for a distinctly different bill of rights for the North as opposed to the rest of the British State.

It should be appreciated that people look to the Government and leaders in the Dáil to uphold their positions. They do not want people to play politics with these matters. In the new dispensation, they want the Taoiseach to stand up for them and their rights under the terms on which the two Governments have agreed and that have been lodged as an international treaty.

I commend the approach I have outlined to the Taoiseach. If he does not believe it will work, he should tell me. We will brainstorm and come back with a different idea. These issues must be addressed. Politics do not top primacy. Those who want to retard the progress that has been made - they can never bring the process down - have a perverted, warped argument for their cause.

See this speech in context