Lucinda Creighton (Dublin South East, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I accept that there is a genuine crisis of confidence in the European Union. This is an inevitable consequence of the financial, economic, banking and debt crisis we have faced in recent years. However, I disagree with Deputy Shane Ross on the current position. Some very difficult decisions have been taken, but perhaps they are not ones we all like. There are more steps to be taken and, to use a much overused metaphor, we must grasp nettles that have not yet been fully grasped. There is still much work to be done, but I do not accept that the challenges have not been faced up to. The crisis facing Europe is the biggest economic crisis since the 1920s, but it is not unique to Europe and is shared in other parts of the world. It is being tackled and Europe is facing up to it.

A number of serious questions face the Government, other governments in Europe, all public representatives and citizens concerning the diminishing levels of public confidence in the European Union and European Institutions. These pose serious challenges for the Government. The first place where we should discuss and debate these issues is in the Dáil Chamber. Yesterday I was pleased to have the opportunity to appear before the Joint Committee on European Affairs which is chaired by Deputy Dominic Hannigan and at which we had an interesting and constructive debate. It is one thing to sit on the other side of the Chamber and constantly condemn and be negative about everything and ignore the responsibility we all have to come up with solutions, all for the sake of opposition. The search for solutions was the spirit in which we entered the debate at the committee. We had a genuine discussion and some interesting proposals and ideas were advanced by members of different political parties.

Last month a survey conducted in six of the largest member states found a huge drop in the level of trust in the European Union as an institution. Some 69% of people in the United Kingdom, for example, said they tended not to trust the Union. Perhaps that is no surprise, given the history of popular and growing Euro-scepticism in that country. It is useful to note that the trend is replicated elsewhere. The percentage of Spanish people who now say they tend not to trust the European Union has risen, from 23% in 2007 to 72% in 2012, a massive jump. Despite some of the comments made from the other side of the Chamber which seem almost xenophobic and anti-Germanic, some 59% of Germans expressed the same view, up from a figure of 36%. Therefore, there is a lack of trust in the institutions, whether one comes from the perspective of so-called creditor countries or debtor countries, large or small countries. This is an issue we must tackle. There is no doubt that the crisis of confidence extends to all other member states. It is not a problem to be ignored and cannot be swept under the carpet. Perhaps we can agree on this.

Addressing citizens' concerns must be the top priority for the European Union. We may have different views about how this can be achieved, but we must tackle the issue. Many argue that the economic crisis lies at the heart of negative perceptions of the European Union. There is a lot of truth in this. People are suffering; these are difficult times and people are looking for somebody to provide hope and solutions. They are also looking for somebody or something to blame and they see the European Union as part of the problem.

Under the Irish Presidency, the European Union is working at full stretch to try to provide solutions. Our theme is "Stability, Growth and Job Creation" and we are working intensively to try to deliver on that agenda. It is not as simple as Deputy Shane Ross would like to suggest; it is hugely complex. We have a massive unemployment crisis and it will take significant work to get the European economy back on track.

I predict that confidence levels in the European Union will increase again as our economic fortunes improve. I do not doubt that will happen as we provide opportunities and create an environment in the European economy in which jobs can be created and growth can occur. It is important to say, however, that that is not enough. It is not simply a question of using growth and prosperity to buy confidence in European institutions. While it is true that increased confidence will be an inevitable side effect of such improvements, to emphasise this is to miss the point somewhat. We cannot be complacent. We have a responsibility to address the disconnect for our citizens, which is a genuine challenge for the European Union. We need a Union that responds to the concerns of citizens. We need to find ways of communicating more effectively with citizens about the Union and how it functions. Deputy Micheál Martin alluded to some of this earlier in this debate. As he suggested, some of the freedoms and rights we enjoy as European citizens such as freedom of movement and freedom of capital are coming under threat, largely or partly because of the economic crisis. In the past 20 years - if not the past 40 years - we have begun to take for granted some of the freedoms European citizens have enjoyed. We need to deal with and tackle the fact that they are coming under threat. If citizens hold the European Union partially responsible for the economic crisis, we have to ensure they also understand the solutions being provided at EU level to try to help us to emerge from the crisis.

There has been a great deal of talk about the European Union's democratic deficit. My firm view is that the institutions are rooted in democracy. They may not function as effectively or as smoothly as they might. I think the notion that the Union is being run by an unelected and unaccountable elite or bureaucracy is actually not true. The Council consists of the leaders of directly elected national governments. We were elected to the Dáil after campaigning on EU issues, as well as national issues. Many issues fall into both categories. These days, most issues are interconnected - they are both national and European in nature. The members of the Commission are appointed by the same democratically elected national governments. Members of the European Parliament are directly elected by Europe's voters. Three key institutions constitute the cornerstone of the European project. The Commission is rooted in the democratic legitimacy of this Chamber. The Council comprises representatives of all national governments and the European Parliament is directly elected. Those who talk about a democratic deficit should not forget that all three institutions are rooted in democracy, which is all about checks and balances. Before European legislation becomes law, it passes through demanding tests at Council and Parliament level that are arguably similar to the tests at national level. That has been enhanced since the Lisbon treaty was agreed. The European Parliament now has a much enhanced role through the process of co-decision. As a result, its Members are as important and influential as Ministers in the Council.

Of course, the evolution of the European Union raises questions of legitimacy. As we pool more powers and touch on more areas of policy and decision-making, it is inevitable that the powers of national governments and the roles of national parliaments are affected. Member states have chosen to allow more decisions to be made at European level and Irish citizens have had many opportunities to vote in referendums. Ireland is the only member state that held a referendum on the stability treaty, on which we voted just under one year ago. Successive treaty reforms in many areas have boosted the role of national parliaments in the Union's legislative process, but that is not clear to voters. It is not always apparent. I suppose we do not always promulgate the fact that the Oireachtas now has a much more weighty role in decision-making, but, as legislators, we have not explained this to voters. There is an onus on us to do so. Rather than coming here and railing against the European Union, perhaps Deputies should take a little more responsibility for explaining to citizens how it works and engaging with voters on the roles and powers of the Oireachtas in ensuring the Union adheres to the principle of subsidiarity, etc.

As a result of the Lisbon treaty, the European Parliament is now more powerful than ever. It has new law-making powers. It has all the responsibility involved in the process of co-decision with the Council on the vast bulk of EU legislation. Almost all policy issues are now decided through co-decision. The Parliament has to consent to the EU budget. A greater role is also foreseen for the Parliament in selecting the next President of the Commission. This is an exciting opportunity. Political parties at all points on the political spectrum will have an opportunity to propose candidates, to run them on the basis of certain electoral platforms, to campaign on all aspects of EU policy and put them before the electorate. What could be more democratic than this? As public representatives, we have to get behind the European electoral process by advocating, campaigning and supporting it. We know that the turnout in European Parliament elections has been abysmal in many countries in recent times and this presents an opportunity for enhancement. We need to get our message out before the 2014 elections.

I would like to refer briefly to an important issue in which both the European Parliament and national parliaments have a role. I know some Deputies in this House are not happy about the increasing move towards greater economic and monetary union. Personally, I support it strongly because it is important to underpin our currency and economic recovery. We have to face up to the questions of democratic legitimacy that arise with this move. We are putting new and more integrated systems of economic governance in place. We know that what happens in Germany and France affects us. We also know that what happens here affects Finland, Cyprus and every other member state that is part of the currency union. We know that member states are more interdependent than ever before. Therefore, we need to have better oversight of what is happening in other parliaments and governments as decisions are made in each member state, as it is apparent we are deepening integration. It is important to emphasise, however, that this is not an end in itself. We are doing it in order to underpin economic growth. I hope it will also serve to advance our key social priorities. These two elements should go hand in hand.

The significant moves made in the direction of greater economic co-ordination require stronger democratic underpinning and demand a substantial reinforcement of the role of national parliaments at all stages of the European semester process, including a much stronger engagement with the European Parliament. I know that a number of measures have been taken. I am also aware that the Chairman of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, Deputy Dominic Hannigan, has been involved in new initiatives to work to co-ordinate the responses of national parliaments and the European Parliament to some of these developments and changes. That is really exciting and I am very pleased about it. I have worked closely with Commissioner Šefčovič who is responsible for institutional affairs. We have written to the Speakers of all parliaments across the European Union to call on parliaments to give particular attention to and place a focus on debates, country-specific recommendations which will be adopted at the June European summit. This gives national parliaments an opportunity to hold governments to account, scrutinise proposals coming from the European Commission and ensure they put their stamp on them by making a full and meaningful input into them as part of the European semester process and all of the economic governance measures that go with it.

There is much more I would like to say. This is a really important debate. I thank Members. We may not agree on many things - in some cases, we disagree on most things - but I appreciate that everybody present has genuine concerns and we have to try to work together to address them. I am conscious that we have a lot of work to do. This is an exciting time because genuine reform is possible at EU level. I hope we can work together in this Parliament to achieve this, as we will do with other parliaments right across the European Union.

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