Mary Mitchell O'Connor (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

This Government will be remembered for its introduction of political gender quotas. It was a brave and historic move and was an acknowledgement of the need for greater female participation in politics. Members need not revisit the abysmal statistics regarding female representation, as they all know they are depressing. I thank Deputy Ó Fearghaíl for bringing forward this Bill. It provides a reminder for those in Cabinet of the need for greater action to encourage women to engage in electoral politics. While the Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act was a momentous step forward, more action is required. However, I am not convinced that one such action is the provision of the Maternity Protection (Members of the Houses of the Oireachtas) Bill. I welcome the acknowledgement by the Minister of State at the Department of the Taoiseach and Chief Whip, Deputy Kehoe, that a pairing agreement for women who need maternity leave will be considered supportively. I also take on board the observations of the Minister of State, Deputy Kehoe, on the constitutional issues regarding this Bill. However, I believe the importance of today's debate to be in effecting a culture change within the public expectation of women in politics who are mothers, as well as that of their colleagues. There is a perception that if a woman goes on maternity leave, it is then time for others to take advantage politically and benefit when the woman is off the scene for maternity reasons. Employment laws protect women on maternity leave but this is not the case for female politicians. Maternity leave is not a holiday time but is given in order that babies and mothers can bond and that babies can be looked after. There can be complications or post-natal depressions and statistics show the breastfeeding benefits for the health of the baby can continue on into motherhood, but time is needed to do this successfully. Birth can be traumatic and in this week alone, I have dealt with two women who have suffered from spontaneous symphysiotomies and who, in consequence, are in wheelchairs and using crutches. Women need time to get over the trauma of birth.

This week, the youngest female Member, Deputy Helen McEntee, took her seat in Dáil Éireann and it is important to put out a strong message for women in the future. Two young high-profile mothers who were politicians were obliged to resign their posts because of the pressures of motherhood, namely, Olwyn Enright and Mildred Fox. They simply could not juggle motherhood, rearing children and politics. It is not good enough that there is a perception that one simply pops a baby and then gets back to work immediately for fear that others could take over one's political patch. I agree with the Minister of State, Deputy Kehoe, that fathers also need to feel free to take the prescribed paternal leave without feeling under pressure to be back in harness at work here in the Dáil. I note this also happens to women in other professions and not simply to female politicians who feel pressure to get back to work in case someone takes over while they are out on maternity leave.

I made a submission to the Constitutional Convention on the issue of increased female political representation. I specified the need for changes in three areas, the first of which was the rotation of ballot papers. Experience from other countries, such as Argentina, highlights the necessity for clear rules regarding ballot paper placement. The ultimate decision not to include a rotation system for ballot paper ordering in Argentina led to protests and confusion. In Spain, researchers highlight how primacy effect was used by parties as an obstacle to enhancing female political participation. Experience from this counties implies that a rotation system or policy should be imposed alongside Part 5 of the local government Bill. In support of this argument, research points to Irish examples of politicians changing their names to place themselves higher and better preferred on ballot papers. The research indicates there is a significant advantage in having one's name first on the ballot paper. It is estimated that the effect for a person appearing first on the ballot is approximately 1.2 percentage points, which, in a tight election result, could make the difference between election and non-election.

District magnitude is another issue. This refers to the number of candidates elected from a particular district or constituency. In 2010, an Oireachtas research paper concluded that the size of the electoral district affects directly the chance of a female candidate being selected and ultimately elected. This argument was backed by the results of the general election of 2011. In total, there were 43 constituencies in the 2011 general election. Approximately 40% of the constituencies were three-seaters, accounting for 51 seats, and three female candidates were successful in this constituency type, amounting to 12% of the total number of seats won by women. In the 2011 election, 35% of constituencies were four-seaters, amounting to 60 seats and 14 female Deputies came from such constituencies. Finally, five-seat constituencies made up only 26% of the total number, amounting to 55 seats, but nearly three times more female Deputies were elected from this category, that is, eight women, than from three-seat constituencies. The constituency commission report of 2012 recommended boundary and constituency changes. The report recommends a reduction in the number of constituencies from 43 to 40. Specifically, it called for a reduction in the number of three-seat constituencies from 17 to 14 and for an increase in the number of four-seat constituencies from 15 to 16. While this is a welcome development in respect of female representation, the eradication of all three-seat constituencies would be a more radical and beneficial step for female representation. Expanding constituency size may also reduce the link between a representative and a constituency, thereby reducing local constituency workloads.

This would be of particular benefit to young parents.

Many calls were made during the Second Stage debate on Part 5 of the Electoral (Amendment) Bill to alter the working hours of the Dáil and Seanad. Senator Fiach Mac Conghail, for example, stated that the Houses had to adjust to a modern way of doing business within daylight hours that is supportive of family life. Senator Rónán Mullen agreed and referred to the need to create a more family friendly workplace. Senator Imelda Henry said that it can be very difficult for young mothers to leave home and base themselves in Dublin for three days. Senator Terry Leyden signalled his agreement and said it is practically impossible at present for a young parent to work in the Dáil or Seanad because of the unsocial hours we keep. Similar sentiments were expressed in the Dáil. Deputy Niall Collins stated there is a fundamental question over the lifestyle, career demands and constraints of this job. Deputy Seán Kenny argued that there is a need to move to more conventional business hours and to put an end to late night meetings. Deputy John Paul Phelan also raised the issue of the long sitting hours in the Dáil and the meetings representatives are required to attend late into the night. I believe these views represent the wishes and views of the vast majority of representatives. The working hours are a major obstacle for young parents.

To increase female participation in politics it would be prudent to review working hours. If we are serious about increasing female participation, the Government should consider these suggestions.

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