Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I will put a number of points to the Taoiseach. Some fair points have been made in terms of the Good Friday Agreement and the transformation, at one level, in the political framework. However, the social and economic dimension has not been built upon. Many people live in areas where there is much unemployment and where significant socio-economic deprivation still prevails. In west Belfast alone, for example, a recent survey showed that one of every two children born in the area is in poverty. The same applies to loyalist communties. I was involved with others in endeavouring to bring them into mainstream civic society but that was based around an economic plan to deal with the considerable unemployment among loyalist youth. Many in loyalism were neglected in many respects by their own own Unionist hierarchies or communities, although there have been some changes.

Both Governments must act where there are flashpoints. The fact remains that, unfortunately, the number of peace walls has increased. We are not tearing down these sectarian or "peace" walls, as they are called - they are still in place, unfortunately, in spite of the great work by communities on the ground, as has been stated. The Taoiseach has met them; so have I. Our Department of Foreign Affairs has been most proactive in supporting them by funding and I ask the Taoiseach to ensure this is maintained. The funding is not large but at least it supports communities to maintain reconciliation and peace-building efforts. However, a major initiative is required to ensure the reverse does not happen for young people and those in various communities who are in danger of being sucked away, or into alternative activities we do not want. The only way to combat that is by a genuine movement in terms of an economic and social dividend that reaches into those communities.

One of the disillusioning factors involved in the negotiations around the devolution of justice was the degree to which even other political parties were excluded by the two main parties, the DUP and Sinn Féin. If one spoke to the SDLP, the UUP or the Alliance Party, one heard they were being brought in very late in the day to what we might call Cabinet "considerations". It was unthinkable on our part that Ministers would not receive, for example, Cabinet memos. That was the scene two or three years ago. It has improved since but there is the sense there were those who were in on the decision-making and those who were on the outside and this reflects back out into the community.

The parades issue needs both Governments to work again with the parties. I would be sceptical in some respects because this was a Holy Grail issue for many years. When it suited the parties to come to an agreement they did so, when it did not they resiled from the agreement. It is important that both Governments ensure that an independent adjudication process is in place that has credibility and teeth and will hold, irrespective of whatever factors there may be. We are in danger of a slide unless something fair, objective, independent and resolute occurs.

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