Michael Colreavy (Sligo-North Leitrim, Sinn Fein)

I am not usually at a loss for words but I find it difficult to speak for two reasons. First, it is difficult at the end of three days of debate to say anything that has not been said already. Second, as Deputy Buttimer noted, we should not have to be speaking about these matters. I prepared a speech last night but I will ignore most of it because I want to reflect on where we have come from and where we want to go.

The Democratic Programme of the first Dáil, which was adopted on 21 January 1919, states:

We declare in the words of the Irish Republican Proclamation the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies to be indefeasible, and in the language of our first President, Pádraíg Mac Phiarais, we declare that the Nation's sovereignty extends not only to all men and women of the Nation, but to all its material possessions, the Nation's soil and all its resources, all the wealth and all the wealth-producing processes within the Nation, and with him we reaffirm that all right to private property must be subordinated to the public right and welfare.

We declare that we desire our country to be ruled in accordance with the principles of Liberty, Equality, and Justice for all, which alone can secure permanence of Government in the willing adhesion of the people.

We have come a long way from that aspiration.

In some respects the Mahon report is only catching up with informed public opinion because many of us have been saying for years that the entire system of government was rotten from top down. Corrupt politicians colluded with people of deep pockets to satisfy their greed for money. Society knew this. Fianna Fáil criticised us for lecturing on the matter but the people passed their verdict on that party in the last election. The report described in stark terms the extent to which our system of governance was undermined over a lengthy period.

It only looked at Dublin, however, and we all know there is corruption elsewhere. Many of the beneficiaries of this corruption have gone unpunished and continue to enjoy the fruits of their ill-gotten gains. Indeed, some of them are still held in reverence in certain quarters. Instead of being treated as the social pariahs they are, they are looked up to and admired. What sort of example is that for the young people of this country? When can we stand proud as a nation and declare we have a system of governance that looks after their interests and ambitions and which has the public good as its first and only consideration?

We cannot rest secure in the knowledge that the same corruption is not happening today. Just yesterday every Member of the Oireachtas received an e-mail which outlined serious allegations against a named senior judge, the Garda and the planning authorities. If true, these allegations would lead me to believe there was a conspiracy against the democratic and legal rights of a law abiding citizen of this State. I do not know if these allegations are true, but if they are not investigated we will never find out. We cannot just bin e-mails like that. We need to follow up on them because practice has shown that failure to respond to such allegations gives rise to the environment where corruption occurs.

I describe Sinn Féin as ideologically the main Opposition party. We also have lessons to learn from the Mahon report. The Government side also has lessons to learn from the Mahon report. The Nyberg report referred to the herd mentality and of the Government's failure to listen to the voices of caution at the time. Sometimes in the exchanges in the Chamber here I see the same failure to listen. I see abuse replacing debate and opinions being laughed at, which is not good enough. Had there been better opposition, we would not now be analysing the degree and level of corruption that has been exposed in the Mahon tribunal. Part of the responsibility of an opposition is to ensure better government. Opposition is a part of governance. Where we see corruption, we will stand up and fight to have it changed. Regardless of how powerful or great the source of that corruption is, we will not be found wanting.

On Tuesday, Deputy Adams said we need a new and better Republic and he is right. In a way we need to go back to the principles that underpinned the democratic programme of Dáil Éireann. We need to get back to the citizens of the State being able to have confidence that what is being done in their name is the right thing. Even if it is something with which individuals disagree, they should know it is being done for the right reason. The citizens need to be sure that, regardless of how deep their pockets, these cliques and golden circles are broken and gone forever. Only then will we truly be on the road to the new Republic that in our hearts we all know is needed. Otherwise we will have learned nothing from that report and these three days of debate.

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