Noel Harrington (Cork South West, Fine Gael)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the findings of the Mahon tribunal. The State has mainly been led by Fianna Fáil-led Governments since its foundation. Unfortunately, they have not served the country as best as they might have done, as outlined in the Mahon report. A gallery of three former taoisigh has been paraded through tribunals to account for decisions.

It must be remembered how fragile democracy and truth are. It is not so long ago that Ben Dunne was going to throw himself off a balcony in the Hyatt Regency Grand Cypress hotel in Orlando in Florida in 1982. Had that not happened, we would never have known what was occurring. Had Mr. Pádraig Flynn not lost the plot on the "Late Late Show", we would never have known what was happening.

We must commend the initiative taken by a few. Many Deputies have spoken about individual politicians who worked against the grain to highlight what they regarded as corruption and the work of individuals such as Mr. Colm Mac Eochaidh and Mr. Michael Smith, who ran an advertisement seeking information on corruption in the planning process in Dublin. We must commend those people as we would never have found out what occurred without them. The culprits would have got clean away with their actions. That Mr. Gilmartin and Mr. Gogarty were prepared to give evidence in early tribunal hearings has also assisted greatly in highlighting the payments that were swirling around the world of development. I am afraid about what is in the Mahon report but I am terrified by what is not in it. How much more corruption was there that we are not aware of and how much more will never be discovered?

The main force against temptation is the prospect of getting caught. The report, through discovering illegal payments, has done this State some service, to paraphrase a former Taoiseach. If the report prevents even one corrupt payment, it must be applauded, but at some cost. The tribunal's investigation cost €250 million. Not only did people ride a coach and four through our legislation, they could just not tell the truth. That is the reality and that is why the taxpayer will have to foot the bill. Those named in the report could not behave ethically in government or before the tribunal and could not tell the truth.

It is an awful pity that those who warned us about Mr. Haughey from the very beginning, including George Colley, Des O'Malley, Mary Harney and Charlie McCreevy, were not listened to. Most of them went on to work with other Fianna Fáil leaders who have now been found out. This is a message for all political parties and those with political loyalties. We must analyse policies critically, not just from within this Chamber but within each party. As representatives and individuals, we cannot act as fans of a football team act. This must not be allowed to happen any more and we must be more critical.

We must remember that Mr. Ahern had given most of his evidence to the tribunal in advance of the 2007 general election, yet the people gave Fianna Fáil 76 seats. There is a salient lesson in that. A few people might remember the famous pronouncement by Mr. Brian Cowen during that general election campaign to the effect that his party would roast the Opposition slowly on a barbecue. Regrettably, Fianna Fáil did so in that election. Inevitably, however, the party later found itself on the very same spit and has suffered for it. That has also happened this State.

We now know that Mr. Charlie Haughey was even more flawed than Mr. Garret FitzGerald ever suggested. We know Mr. Albert Reynolds had his hand in many different pies and appointed people to his Cabinet whom he knew were less than savoury and, in some cases, corrupt, as has been proven. We now know that Mr. Bertie Ahern is not able to tell the truth. These people betrayed hundreds of thousands of citizens who honestly believed they were making the correct decision in voting for them. They appointed people they described as their friends to influential positions, for example, in Dublin Port Authority. That was normal. Corruption thrives when one is working in the darkness and shadows, to paraphrase the tribunal. It must be eliminated from society. Politics is about service and the people to whom I referred have done politics a disservice. They have corrupted two generations of politicians, practically all of them at the core of Fianna Fáil.

I am appalled by the evidence given to the tribunal regarding events in this House. Mr. Gilmartin met the Taoiseach and a cabal of Ministers whom he described as being worse than anything the Mafia could arrange. This is extreme language, but the tribunal was quite clear in this regard. It is shocking. That there were at least three Fianna Fáil groups trying to extort money on one occasion in one corridor speaks for itself.

These people were elected by the people and they betrayed the trust of the electorate. They let the electorate, themselves and their party down. They let down the people I meet on a daily basis who were once proud to say they were politically active. Some have said they were Fianna Fáil members from time to time but they do not say this any more, unfortunately or fortunately, because they feel badly let down.

I agree with former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern's statement that the tribunal report is incredible. This is the first bit of truth I have heard in years. He was a highly paid Minister for Finance, yet had to go out with a begging bowl. This was extraordinary, at a time when he could statutorily and legally earn no more than he could earn from his salary as a Minister. He went about as I described and could not operate a bank account, even when he was facing a court battle over his personal problems. What was he trying to do? What was he trying to prove and who was he trying to defraud? Was he trying to withhold information regarding a personal legal issue which nevertheless raised serious concerns? When he dragged his personal affairs up as evidence at the tribunal and in the media as a mitigating factor, we had a right to question that.

Some have stated the tribunal did not make a finding of corruption against former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern. It did not have to make such a finding. Just because one cannot see something does not mean one cannot smell it. The Taoiseach subverted the State and damaged the political process. It will take generations to restore it.

I would love to see former Deputy Ahern before the courts to explain his actions. I do not want to say more than that because we have seen how former taoisigh have been let off the hook by statements made in this House and elsewhere. However, there is a case and I would like to see it made elsewhere. The taxpayer is paying. Every time taxpayers pay their mortgages, they should realise what occurred was not a victimless crime. They are paying for transactions involving illegal moneys and corruption.

There are many fine people in politics and most politicians are honest. I had the pleasure of serving on Cork County Council from 1999. I went through two county development plan processes and two local area plan processes and I was chairman of the regional authority when engaging in the regional planning guidelines process. That the reputation of individual authorities is left hanging because of the activities of Dublin local authorities, as outlined in the tribunal report, needs to be addressed.

Certainly since 1999, and perhaps since 1991, before which year I do not have records, only one section 4 motion was passed by Cork County Council. It concerned pylons over Cork Harbour, in respect of which public concern was considerable. The members voted for the motion knowing they would be personally liable for any costs incurred. Any material contraventions or variations that happened to go through the council from 1999 to 2011 went through on the recommendation of management.

It is difficult in some cases to reconcile what was happening in Dublin with my experience in Cork County Council. That council had a strategic plan for its area that was much praised by the planning institutions and regarded as a model for the way to move forward on spatial and strategic planning. More recently, the council, in its development plan, made proposals whereby services would be installed before zoning for housing.

This harks back to the limits pertaining to what local authorities and planning authorities can do. Through local authorities, one can plan to move people, particularly through local authority development plans. The authorities can plan to move people on the basis of various land issues but they have no say in respect of local education, schools, hospitals and Garda stations. I include also local issues, rather than policy issues.

This is a significant stumbling block in proper and sustainable planning. That should also be addressed in a discussion we will have with local government. It is a different debate but it is a good development if the Mahon tribunal can focus on improving local and national government, transparency and enhancing the role of the public in policy. While it is pricey at the cost of €250 million, regrettably that is the world in which we live. I hope after the Mahon tribunal we will live in a better world and more transparent society.

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