Aodhán Ó Ríordáin (Dublin North Central, Labour)

I am delighted to have the opportunity to speak on the findings of the Mahon tribunal report. I wish to raise four separate points - first the findings and what they say about Irish politics; second, the findings in regard to my party, the Labour Party; third, the recommendations of the report, many of which I agree with but concerning some of which I would have certain opinions; four, the fundamental need for local government reform as a lasting legacy for Irish citizens, today and for generations to come.

I refer to the findings. This report is a damning indictment of the toxic political culture Fianna Fáil has brought to every level of political life in Ireland. It gives me no pleasure to read this report or to discover the level of poison, lies, corruption and bribery that has been such a feature of Irish politics in the past. It should be remarked that there are many decent and disappointed members of the Fianna Fáil Party but their emotions are secondary to those of our citizens whose lives and communities have been broken by the Fianna Fáil style of politics. When a political party such as Fianna Fáil believes it owns Ireland and has the title deeds of the country in its back pockets any action by a member of the party is seen as excusable as long as he or she remains electable. The only value Fianna Fáil holds dear is electability. No lies, corruption or allegations of bribery ever matter to Fianna Fáil because to its members the party is everything and politics is just a game. It is not good enough to act like an infantile football manager, claiming one did not see the incident, blaming the referee and retreating to the dressing room, telling the team they must win at all costs. This is not a game - it is national politics. It is far too grave and important for such pathetic behaviour.

Fianna Fáil was the party of all my grandparents but it became the home place for every cowboy seeking career advancement because they knew the party no longer had any standards. The issue is not just corruption - it is about the manner in which corruption is treated. Accusations against Fianna Fáil members, councillors, Ministers, and leaders were treated with derision. The party defended the indefensible, prioritising stroke politics and hoping the people would believe that all politicians were the same and all political parties were on the take. They succeeded because standards in Irish politics flattened. As a society we must examine why every Deputy mentioned in the Mahon report continued to enjoy massive support from the electorate. Fianna Fáil Deputies rightly point to those mentioned in the Moriarty report yet Fianna Fáil was happy to enjoy the support of Deputy Michael Lowry for its Government until last year, regardless of what evidence was heard during the course of the Moriarty tribunal hearings.

Not all political parties are the same. One party of long-term government stands head and shoulders above the rest when it comes to backhand politics. That party is Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil now has the country it shaped. No other party had the influence over Irish life it has had. With the party in power for 22 of the last 25 years, Ireland is now what Fianna Fáil created - a country effectively run by the IMF, with a demoralised people who view politics with suspicion and cynicism. I can barely utter the word for my job - politician. Fianna Fáil has destroyed the words "republican" and "politician". It is clear from listening to the contributions from many Fianna Fáil Members in the House today and yesterday that nothing has really changed. They joined the party knowing its history of corruption and remained members even though the party surrendered this Republic to the IMF. They can do no more damage. Fianna Fáil has no role in the future of politics in this country.

I turn to the issue of the Mahon report's findings in respect of the Labour Party. The attempt in some quarters to paint all politicians and all political parties with the same brush in the wake of the Mahon report does not stand up to scrutiny. The Labour Party has a proud record of standing up and speaking out against what this report has proved to have been corrupt practices. It is important to note that in 1993 the Labour Party expelled the one and only one public representative linked to the party about whom the Mahon report is critical. John O'Halloran was elected as a councillor in Lucan in 1991. In September 1993 he was expelled from the Labour Party as a result of his voting record on planning matters while he was a member of Dublin County Council. The Labour Party was proactive in dealing with such issues as they arose and had no need to wait for a tribunal to be called or for its findings to be published to act decisively. In contrast to others, Labour Party councillors on Dublin County Council had a proud record in planning matters. Specifically mentioned in the Mahon report are, on page 1,068, the Minister, Deputy Pat Rabbitte's actions in returning a cheque to Frank Dunlop in 1992, and on page 1,579, the Tánaiste, Deputy Eamon Gilmore's decision to refuse a cheque from Monarch developers in 1992, both of which were described by the tribunal as commendable. The Minister, Deputy Joan Burton's consistent record in opposing rezoning at Quarryvale is also highlighted. That is the difference between the Labour Party and others who engaged in, or ignored, corruption.

I refer to the recommendations of the Mahon report and the need for fundamental reform of local government. The recommendations are far reaching and deal in the main with anti-corruption legislation and reforming the planning procedure in our local authorities. The fundamental reform of our political system is not the abolition of the Seanad, although I support it, or the reduction of the number of Deputies in the House, although I support that too. It is the reform of local government - the connectivity of the vote of the citizen to the responsibilities and accountability of the councillor and to the functions of the local authority, which are of such importance to each local authority in the country.

Local elections in Ireland are notable for poor turnout, being used mainly as a referendum on the national Government of the day, typified by misunderstanding of the role of local councils, and sometimes for allowing councillors to be elected with merely a few hundred votes. This dynamic must change and the reform of local government must involve the levelling of local taxation, including a property charge and a rebalancing of powers away from unelected officials towards the elected councillors, who by the very nature of the reformed system will be more accountable to the people.

Writing in last week's The Irish Times Diarmuid Ó Grada cites some of the anomalies in the local government system in Ireland. Leitrim has one councillor for every 1,444 constituents while Fingal has one councillor for every 11,377 constituents. A local government system with fewer councils and fewer councillors is surely desirable. Accountable local politicians who set the rates and take responsibility for formulating budgets around areas of policy such as waste disposal would prevent the type of debacle we have seen in Dublin city recently with the privatisation of the bin service.

I refer to the recommendations of the Mahon tribunal, which are wide and varied and deal with planning, conflicts of interest, political finance, lobbying, bribery, corruption in office, money laundering and asset confiscation. In terms of the Prevention of Corruption Acts 1889 and 1906, there are recommendations on the specific act of bribery. However, as both Acts are over 100 years old and society has changed radically since their introduction, the Minister for Justice and Equality needs to completely overhaul the legislation and make it more robust and relevant to the modern age. In planning, the overarching watchdog for council development plans, that is, the national development plan and the national spatial strategy, must be placed on a statutory footing. I have some concerns about two recommendations. Recommendation 12 states: "The Tribunal is recommending that where the elected members decide to depart from the recommendations made in the Manager's Report [of a development plan], they should be required to state their reasons for doing so." Recommendation 14 states: "The tribunal is recommending that the Minister for the Environment's ability to give directions to Regional Authorities and Local Planning Authorities should be entrusted to a Planning Regulator." Both recommendations assume the corruptibility of the elected councillor and Minister but do not take account of the potential corruptibility of the unelected official or proposed independent planning regulator. The democratic legitimacy of all agencies of the State is key to how we rebuild democracy. It is from the people that political representatives gain their mandate and it is a deficit of accountability in the past which has lead to corruption. While not rejecting these recommendations in totality, it is important that the balance of power within local authorities edges towards those who are elected, not those who are appointed.

This report gives our democracy a chance to change, to be reinforced, to re-engage with the people, and to reform in such a way that we never return to the type of politics that have brought such disgrace to this Republic. We must expect better and demand better from ourselves and from those who play leading roles in public life and from those who cast their votes. Fianna Fáil stroke politics is over. Our Republic demands better.

See this speech in context