Dáil debates

Tuesday, 27 March 2012

Mahon Tribunal Report: Statements

 

4:00 pm

Photo of Gerry AdamsGerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)

What of citizens living in sprawling unfinished housing estates with no shops, youth facilities, playing fields, amenities or places for elderly people to gather? Each one of us comes across those in our constituencies.

While Judge Mahon has revealed that politicians from Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour took bribes from developers perverting the planning process for profit, the upper echelons of Fianna Fáil in particular stand indicted. While the Fianna Fáil leader, Deputy Martin, outlines his position - I do not envy him that task - will he take action against those who sought to thwart the Mahon tribunal by embarking on what the tribunal called a "sustained and virulent attack" against it? Will he take action against those current Fianna Fáil Deputies who questioned not only the legality of the tribunal, but also the integrity of its members?

The Mahon report demands firm measures by this Government to deal with corruption and citizens are demanding resolute action. If we are to end corruption, and ensure transparency and accountability, more needs to be done to restore public confidence and to clean up politics. For example, one suggestion is the introduction of legislation that would allow impeachment or removal from the Dáil or Seanad of any Member involved in corruption, deliberate misuse of public money or fraud. Furthermore, it is obvious that former politicians found guilty of corruption should have their public pensions taken from them. This is particularly true when it comes to former Ministers or taoisigh who enjoy excessive annual pension pay-outs. The DPP needs to conduct a full and prompt investigation into the findings of the Mahon report working with the Garda to bring charges of corruption to the courts as soon as possible.

It is quite possible that none of what has been revealed would have come to light were it not for the role of whistleblowers such as James Gogarty and Tom Gilmartin. Such whistleblowers are key to exposing and preventing corruption. It is imperative that legislation is brought forward to protect whistleblowers. Sinn Féin and I welcome the publication of the draft heads of the new whistleblower legislation by the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Brendan Howlin. If citizens are to regain confidence in the political system, the Government must implement the recommendations of Judge Mahon. There are no excuses and there can be no fudging. Cronyism and privilege must be ended.

The Mahon tribunal investigated corruption in Dublin but we cannot imagine for one moment that it was all confined to the Pale and that it did not occur elsewhere in the State. I note that an internal review of planning decisions by several local authorities is under way but not yet completed. The previous Minister with responsibility for local government, John Gormley, announced an independent investigation into six local authorities involved in controversial planning decisions. However, one of the first acts of the current Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government, Deputy Phil Hogan, was to abandon plans for independent investigations. He dismissed them as mostly spurious. This includes an investigation into a relief road in Carlow, in the Minister's constituency, first highlighted in 2008 which led to a compensation case costing a total of €11 million. The public must have confidence that every decision taken is above reproach. The internal investigation must be completed and its findings must be made public.

The Mahon report and its indictment of the political system is a far cry from the ethos and high standards demonstrated by those whose bravery, courage and self-sacrifice we will commemorate and celebrate in 12 days time or by those who founded Fianna Fáil. The Republic they fought and died for at Easter 1916 and in subsequent generations is encapsulated in the words of the Proclamation of 1916. For those who abandoned and corrupted its objectives, the Proclamation is no more than a piece of paper to which they occasionally pay lip-service. However, it is a great deal more than that. The Proclamation is a charter of liberty, freedom and rights as important a charter as anywhere else in the modern world. The Republic it envisages guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities for all its citizens. The Proclamation contains a commitment to cherish all the children of the nation equally and not to exploit, abuse or steal from them. It contains a promise to every Irish man, woman and child that they can share in the dignity of humankind and of this wonderful island that we live in.

Our party, other parties and other representatives here are for a new, genuine Republic, one fit for the 21st century. We are for a Republic across the entire island where orange and green unite, one based on citizenship and citizens' rights. We are for a Republic that is accessible, responsive and inclusive to the needs of citizens and which upholds civil and human rights. This Republic must include rural Ireland and the protection of our uniquely rural way of life. It must ensure that Gaeltacht communities thrive and that the Irish language has the support required to flourish as a spoken language. Such a Republic must reach out and embrace our Unionist brothers and sisters. It must represent a new Ireland built on positive change, equality and partnership. It must be a Republic that is people-centred, owned by and responsible to the people rather than to elites.

The people deserve more than what we have at present. We deserve to be free of division, injustice and corruption. Wealth must be invested creatively and fairly. Poverty must become a thing of the past. This is my belief and I imagine others share it. We should not allow the revelations of corruption and graft to put us off building this new Ireland and this new Republic. The resources to build it exist even at this time of great adversity.

This is no pipe dream, aisling or some notional idea. It is a real, achievable goal. In Easter 1993, almost 20 years ago, John Hume and I issued our first joint statement. We stated that the most pressing issue facing the people of Ireland and Britain was the question of lasting peace and how it could be achieved. We identified as our primary objective reaching agreement on a peaceful and democratic accord for all on this island. John Hume was vilified and his vision was attacked by all sides in the Chamber, by all parties here. However, five years later the Good Friday Agreement was achieved. Therefore, nothing is impossible. A vision of a different Ireland is needed as is the political will to make it occur. It can be done.

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