Gerry Adams (Louth, Sinn Fein)

Bhí an fiosrúchán seo dírithe ar chaimiléireacht a cheapadh go raibh ag dul ar aghaidh sa phróiseas pleanála - sa chás seo, ceapadh go raibh íocaíochtaí á ndéanamh le polaiteoirí. The tribunal's conclusions and its criticism of the political elite in this State are damning. It stated:

...corruption in Irish political life was both endemic and systemic. It affected every level of Government from some holders of top ministerial offices to some local councillors and its existence was widely known and widely tolerated.

However, these words of accusation and condemnation only touch on one aspect of the institutionalised sleaze and corruption that was rife in this State. It was not just political life that was corrupt, so too was the business elite. Together they formed golden circles of self-interest dedicated to preserving their wealth, privilege and power. This corruption did not begin just 20 years ago when the beef tribunal began its deliberations or later with the McCracken tribunal or the Flood-Mahon tribunal. Institutionalised corruption and gombeenism were part and parcel of British colonial rule on this island and these practices survived and thrived in the post-colonial period. Liam Mellows warned of this in the Treaty debates when he said: " Men will get into positions, men will hold power, and men who get into positions and hold power will desire to remain undisturbed and will not want to be removed, or will not take a step that will mean removal in case of failure." Mellows was right. Ní hamháin go raibh an ceart aige, ach bhí fís difriúil aige de Phoblacht agus rialú ina mbeadh an saoránach mar chroílár tógáil Stát nua.

Politicians, churchmen and business people got into positions of power and abused that power in their self-interests and not in the interests of citizens. Partition created not one but two conservative states on this island ruled by two conservative elites. The closed, narrow, post-Civil War society that emerged out of partition in this part of the island was characterised by economic failure, emigration, backwardness on social issues, inequality and the failure to protect the most vulnerable of our citizens. Those who built this State also turned their backs on the people of the North. They turned their backs on the ideals of independence and of a genuine Republic, and on the rights of citizens enshrined in the 1916 Proclamation. As it evolved the political elite in this State was increasingly in hock to the Catholic hierarchy. For decades the system here abdicated responsibility for the care of children and single women and allowed a regime in institutions that abused, criminalised and terrified those who found themselves locked in those places.

The political establishment and the business elite which emerged in the aftermath of partition - the senior civil servants, the bankers, the judges, big business, and the politicians of Cumann na nGaedhael, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, and the Ulster Unionist Party in the North created systems that entrenched their own privilege. Systemic corruption bred a culture of corruption. It was part of the way we were. Corruption, backhanders and brown envelopes became acceptable - a normal way of winning political favour, of rezoning land for profit, and of buying votes and influence. Cronyism became endemic. Whom one knew was more important than ability, fairness or what was right. The "golden circles" of big business, speculators, bankers, financiers and developers, allied to a corrupt political elite, grew rich on the exploitation of others. Léiríonn an tuairisc seo do dhaoine an santachas a bhí i réim ag éilít áirithe sa sochaí seo, a rinne creachadh ar ár maoin, as ar íoc an mórlach, le toradh turraingeach.

Family dynasties, party connections and donations to political campaigns all entrenched this corruption. This was made easier by the concentration of political power in the hands of a few. Weak and ineffective legal checks and balances, little oversight and light-fingered enforcement of laws to challenge corruption, made dishonesty and corruption easy and acceptable. The arrogance of the "golden circles" has seen powerful individuals consider themselves above the rules that apply to ordinary citizens. That double standard was graphically demonstrated in the famous television broadcast by the then Taoiseach, Charles Haughey, who told citizens to tighten their belts, while he lived the highlife at the taxpayers' expense.

Ní raibh an nasc cosy seo idir pholaiteoirí agus fir ghnó, baincéirí agus tógáilaithe i bhFianna Fáil amháin. This was not limited to just Fianna Fáil. In a classic example of the double standards that have applied in the political culture, in 1993 the former Taoiseach and Fine Gael leader, Garret FitzGerald, had debts of almost £200,000, which he owed to AIB and Ansbacher, written off. Sin é with no explanation. How many ordinary citizens, many now in negative equity and struggling to survive, will have the balance of their loans written off by AIB?

New rules and laws need to be put into place to end corrupt practices. Too many of our citizens live each day with the consequences of corruption. There are the many home owners in mortgage distress because some politicians chose to facilitate developers and bankers, and pursued an economic strategy which brought the State to its knees. There are the growing numbers of elderly citizens who do not know if they will have a public nursing bed when and if they need it. Thousands of patients languish on hospital trolleys because successive governments have failed to invest in public health services, choosing instead to promote privatisation. There is the rub. If a government decides to privatise a public health service, that is the start of the process of corrupting the service. If health is run for profit instead of as a right of a citizen, that is where the corruption starts and that is where the corruption is currently ongoing.

What of citizens living in sprawling unfinished housing estates with no shops? Gabh mo leithscéal a Mhicheál-----

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