Catherine Murphy (Kildare North, Independent)

I welcome the women to the Visitors Gallery. If anything has united them other than the symphysiotomy procedures performed on them, it has been the powerlessness. Today's debate contributes to some of their power being returned to them and acknowledges that the issue is an important step. However, it is only a step, as we would all agree.

The debate forces those of us contributing to it to carry out research. All of today's contributions have been important. I was not able to attend last night's briefing, but I spoke with colleagues who were there. They were deeply affected by it. Communication is viewed as being primarily about speech, but listening to people is just as important and was the most powerful element of last night's briefing. It was important that Members listened to the women's voices. Some people believe that politicians are less than human. In fact we are very much affected by the types of issue that impact on people, including this one.

I have some knowledge of this issue because my mother had a symphysiotomy in 1952 in Holles Street hospital. She is in her 90th year and still talks about it. In many cases, the practice was intended to ensure that a woman would not have a section. The idea was that a section would limit one's ability to have a raft of children. It worked in my mother's case. By 1956, she had five children and more were to follow. The idea was to deliver a large number of children into a Catholic country.

The question of clusters is interesting. This point has already been made. Symphysiotomy procedures primarily occurred in hospitals with a Catholic ethos. The evidence from other European countries shows that this was not a dominant practice there. One must question the medical aspects to which the Minister referred. If the upcoming report is to be a proper one, we must also question the ethos. This is what has resulted in women's powerlessness for years.

One of the first tasks for most expectant mothers - I have two children - is choosing their hospital. They want to be able to trust the hospital and its professionals to take care of them. A large number of women believe their trust was abused. In the Ireland in the 1950s and 1960s, the church, State and professions thought they knew best. It was not the thing to do for a mere woman to question a consultant.

In most cases this procedure was carried out on women expecting their first babies. Not only were these women less knowledgeable about child birth, but the procedure also made the birth a more traumatic experience because it lengthened the period of labour. In most instances the procedure was carried out during labour. If it was done for purely medical reasons, such as to reduce the mortality rate among women and babies, it would have been accepted to some extent. However, the practice was primarily clustered around hospitals with a Roman Catholic ethos and this was central to its use. Deputy John Paul Phelan asked why the procedure began to be carried out in 1944. I have been asking myself the same question but one only needs to look at the religious control exerted during the 1940s and 1950s for the answer. While I am not religious, I defend the personal right to practise religion. However, it is wrong to allow religion to control society. Large families were the norm in Ireland and as late as the 1970s mothers were questioned if they only had two or three children. Family planning clinics could not charge for artificial birth control in the 1970s. They had to ask for prescriptions because it was illegal to sell contraceptive drugs without them.

Our society was changed by the courage of those who challenged the system. The women who took the train to Belfast and came back with contraceptives were openly defying the State. Similar courage has been displayed by the residents of the Magdalene homes and the victims of industrial abuse. This society has been challenged by their personal stories.

I almost feel sorry for the Minister because I am aware he has to be balanced in his remarks. He adopted a different attitude when he was in opposition, however. The Minister of State at the Department of Health, Deputy Kathleen Lynch, advocated the establishment of an inquiry into this issue. Any report that solely considers clinical issues without addressing the social context will be unable to provide the answers people want. I am concerned by the Minister's comment that the researcher experienced unforeseen difficulties in accessing information. It has been noted by other speakers that some of the medical records no longer exist. It is, therefore, difficult to quantify the numbers involved.

The Minister stated that Ireland is one of the safest place in the world to have a baby. I hope that continues to be the case but it is important that we examine these practices because we will have to contend with a reduction in the number of professionals working in the health service. It is questionable whether there will be adequate staffing to ensure that we continue to be one of the safest places in the world.

It is essential that an independent inquiry be established. The women concerned must be able to get answers as well as the medical treatment they require. Teaching practices at the hospital must be examined because if they have been exported to other, less developed countries I would feel responsible for the impact on women in those countries.

I thank those who kept the matter on the agenda, including Deputy Ó Caoláin for convening the group. It is important that we come to a satisfactory conclusion. We will not be able turn the clock back but the least we can do is ensure that people's questions are answered and their health care needs are addressed. Given the small number of people involved, extending the Statute of Limitations would allow the State to acknowledge a wrong that should be addressed even if it cannot be put right.

See this speech in context