Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)

Is cuimhin liom, ainneoin go raibh méóg go leor, lá na buamála. Bhí mé thuas i sléibhte Bhaile Átha Cliath ag an am ag baint móna le mo chlann agus bhí a fhios againn, nuair a chualamar an glór go soiléir, go raibh rud éigin truamhéalach tar éis tarlú. Blianta ina dhiaidh sin, is beag nár gortaíodh mé féin go dona i bpléascadh a rinne buíon mharfach Shasanach i mBaile Átha Cliath. Tháinig mise slán, ach i gcás na n-ionsaithe átáá phlé againn faoi láthair, níor tháinig gach duine slán. Maraíodh agus gortaíodh scóranna sibhialtach ar na laethanta difriúla atáá phlé againn agus a bhíá phlé ag na tuairiscí a bhí ag lorg na fírinne faoi cad go díreach a tharla. Níl an fhírinne sin tagtha chun solais go fóill.

This motion is ultimately about truth recovery and I welcome the fact that all parties came on board on Monday to support it. The motion demonstrates the value we all place on truth and justice. The victims of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings are not alone in their quest for the truth.

There have many been other travesties where justice was denied, including the attempt at mass slaughter at the Widow Scallans pub which left a truly brave IRA volunteer, Martin Doherty, dead after he tackled a British-directed death squad on that occasion. I ask the Taoiseach and Tánaiste to make themselves aware of the facts surrounding the execution by British paratroopers of 11 civilians in a two-day period in Ballymurphy in August 1971 prior to those paratroopers moving on to Derry where they gunned down another 14 civilians in January 1972.

The apology from the British Premier, David Cameron, last year for the slaughter of civilians in Derry was extracted from the British Government after 30 years, but as yet no apology has been forthcoming - no truth has been forthcoming - for the many other killings of civilians and non-combatants by British soldiers, RUC officers or their pseudo gangs and proxy killers, which were carried out across this island. It was an official political policy by the British Government for generations to establish, equip and direct pseudo gangs to do their bidding. An integral part of that strategy was to target opponents, insurgents and their supporters and to strike terror in the supposed host community. It was aimed at discrediting opponents, causing chaos, diverting blame, confusing the issues and muddying the waters. It was what is described in the media today as international terrorism.

This pseudo gang strategy was implemented in Ireland, North and South, by the British army in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. General Frank Kitson, who refined this centuries old colonial and imperialist strategy in Kenya not long before he arrived in Ireland in the early 1970s, went on to become aide-de-camp general to the Queen in the early 1980s. He was granted a CBE for his role in Ireland. So much for the Queen being above the actions of her army.

The actions of the UDA, UVF, the Littlejohns and many others on the orders of their shadowy military directors, whether the SAS, MI5, MI6, MRF, Tara, Ulster Resistance, LVF or other flags of convenience, have never been fully probed, except by a few brave souls. Some brave citizens have lost their lives for daring to expose Britain's dirty war in Ireland, solicitors Rosemary Nelson and Pat Finucane among them.

There have also been those within this State who have colluded or facilitated the British war machine in Ireland, particularly since 1969. Some have been agents of the Crown, including some gardaí; some have been dupes; others were cheerleaders for the British war in Ireland. Most were ignorant or did not want to know the truth or care to find out the truth, even it they could in the era of censorship.

In that context I place on record our utter rejection of the remarks of Deputy Robert Dowds in the debate in this House last night. Deputy Dowds stated: "In many respects, the Dublin and Monaghan bombings were a response to the deadly activities of Sinn Féin and the IRA in the 1970s". I utterly reject that claim. It parrots the argument of the perpetrators of the bombings, and Deputy Dowds should withdraw it. At the time of the bombings Sinn Féin was still banned in the Six Counties. Internment without trial was ongoing. If the Deputy cares to examine the history of the conflict he will see clearly the central role of Unionist paramilitaries. The bombings took place in the context of the Unionist campaign against the Sunningdale Executive. Deputy Dowds is harking back to the Fine Gael-Labour Government of the day which tried to blame republicans for the bombings. He obviously hankers back to the regime of Conor Cruise O'Brien, Paddy Donegan and Liam Cosgrave, ably assisted by civil servants such as Peter Berry.

Whose agenda were they following? Who was pulling their strings? I am reminded of the statement by a Minister for Justice of a later era, Nora Owen of Fine Gael, in May 1995 in regard to the inquiry into the Dublin bombings: "The Commissioner is satisfied that the matter has been taken as far as it could go and that no useful purpose could be served by any further inquiries." We have moved on from Nora Owen's time.

I salute all those who stood up to the anti-republican agenda of the establishment in this State at that time and who braved the wrath of the Ministers and their servants. My own father was threatened with being put out of his job in the National Museum for daring to speak at a commemorative lecture on 1916. In fact he was doing his job. McCarthyism was alive and well in the 1970s and 1980s in this State, and the witch hunt against republicans in that era contributed nothing to a solution to the conflict. Instead it probably prolonged it.

I hope we have now reached an era of respect which deals with the legacy of the past in an open and frank manner, but I urge, with that in mind, that the Government not proceed with the Tribunals of Inquiry Bill 2005 which was published by the former Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Michael McDowell. It would have grave consequences for truth recovery, particularly in cases of suspected State collusion. Nobody can deny we are in need of new legislation to govern the work of tribunals, especially to reduce costs, but that legislation could be used by future Governments to prevent public inquiries from delivering the truth to the public and to the families of victims of collusion. It is along the lines of the British Inquiries Act, on which it was based, which was introduced to prevent a full public inquiry into the murder of human rights solicitor Pat Finucane.

The Government cannot sign an all-party motion aimed at forcing Britain to reveal the truth and then proceed with legislation which would undermine our demand by giving itself a significant power to cover up such events. The relatives and those representing victims of collusion have long sought full, independent and public inquiries. We must work together to ensure no legislation is introduced that would jeopardise and compromise the independence of future inquiries.

I take this opportunity to salute Justice for the Forgotten, the Pat Finucane Centre and Relatives for Justice for their trojan work over the years in exposing the truth. I wish them well in the future. I hope the families will receive the files from the British Government and learn the full truth of the horrific background to the bombings in Dublin and Monaghan. I urge the Government to restore funding for Justice for the Forgotten to the level it was before the Fianna Fáil Government slashed it and ask that this funding be retained until its work is complete.

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