Lucinda Creighton (Dublin South East, Fine Gael)

I thank the Deputies who have contributed to this important debate. An important fact which has not been alluded to by any Member of the Opposition to date is that UN Resolution 1973 has already saved countless lives by enabling the international community, through the United Nations and co-operation within the European Union, to stop Colonel Gadaffi and his troops from marching to Benghazi and slaughtering innocent and defenceless citizens. It is important to acknowledge that success which has already happened in Libya. I am proud of the European Union's involvement in that process.

When one compares what has happened in Libya with previous examples of total and utter ineptitude both within the European Union and the United Nations with regard to the Balkans in the 1990s, one cannot describe it as anything other than a success to date. In the past, the EU and UN failed miserably in regions which were at grave and immediate risk of experiencing mass genocide and gross violation of human rights due to a lack of political co-ordination and a common and coherent approach. The genocide that occurred in Srebrenica in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995 is a prime example of the horror that can occur due to needless inaction on the part of modern European and western states.

In the case of Srebrenica the EU and the UN stood idly by while waiting for NATO troops to belatedly intervene. While this inaction was paralysing the EU in particular an estimated 8,000 Bosnian boys and men were murdered by units of the Republika Srpska army. Thousands of women and children fled, many of them having been raped and maimed and having suffered inhumane conditions while the western world stood by. We in the EU should still be ashamed that we could not even defend our closest neighbours. The UN could equally hang its head in shame at the weakness and inaction that allowed such bloodletting to occur.

Since that event and other examples of inaction in the Balkans, the EU has gradually worked towards enhancing the capability of its member states through the Petersberg Tasks, the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Treaty of Nice and, more recently, the Treaty of Lisbon. These capabilities have continually been developed to focus on peace and democracy building in particular. The Lisbon treaty has further enhanced these objectives by focusing on pooling our sovereignty to develop humanitarian and rescue operations. That treaty also extended the EU's potential in terms of conflict prevention missions and post-conflict missions. It introduced permanent structured co-operation, which is open to all states to opt into on a case-by-case basis. EU states are, therefore, prepared to fulfil the most demanding military missions on behalf of the EU, especially in response to requests from the United Nations through agreement by the UN Security Council in the form of a resolution. That has occurred with regard to Libya.

Our decision within the EU and through the United Nations to intervene in Libya was, unlike in the case of Srebrenica, swift, decisive and, so far, successful in its noble aspiration to save thousands of innocent civilian lives. I believe Ireland and the EU can be very proud of this. Undoubtedly, this is an operation with huge and grave implications and we must be mindful of the fall-out that could occur in the weeks and months ahead.

It is in Colonel Gadaffi's hands as to whether the violence ceases and the people of Libya are allowed to fashion a new and democratic way forward for themselves through reforms and a genuinely inclusive national dialogue. The overall priority for member states of the EU and the UN must be to remain committed to ending the violence as soon as possible, to ensure the safety of all civilians in Libya and to facilitate the humanitarian access that is crucial and which has to date been scuppered by the Gadaffi regime. The intention must be the shortest possible mission to protect Libyan civilians and to persuade the Gadaffi regime to desist from further violence and attacks on them. We must continue to maintain active contacts with our African and Arab partners and, in particular, continue to work in collaboration with the Arab League. That must be a significant priority for all the states involved in the action so far.

It is important to stress that the EU's intervention in Libya is not simply through the military action relating to the no-fly zone but also through the imposition of a range of measures and sanctions which are designed to put pressure on the Gadaffi regime and to ensure the protection and support of Libyan citizens who have been part of the democratic uprising. The EU imposed an asset freeze, a travel ban and an arms embargo on Colonel Gadaffi, the members of his family and members of his regime following the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1970 which was mentioned earlier by the Tánaiste. This was followed by a round of follow-up measures which target entities such as the Libyan Investment Authority, which controls an extensive multi-billion dollar investment portfolio on behalf of Colonel Gadaffi and his associates. It is important that the EU continues to examine the introduction of other measures and all forms of sanctions to increase pressure on the regime and to try to ensure a speedy resolution and recognition of the democratic forces within the state.

It is important to note and commend the hugely courageous work of the Libyan National Transitional Council. While it is Ireland's long-standing policy not to recognise anything other than a state, we must recognise and support the efforts being made by the LNTC to ensure a swift transition to democracy within Libya.

There is huge pressure across northern Africa in regard to mass migration, with severe pressure on borders and in terms of security and protection of migrants who are fleeing terror, harassment and the type of military action Gadaffi has imposed on his people. There is an enormous onus on the United Nations and the European Union to co-operate with international agencies to protect and support these people. Ireland can be proud of the intervention we have made through the United Nations Humanitarian Response Depot in providing practical support to agencies working to protect people in the region.

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