Dáil debates

Thursday, 11 November 2010

Fifth Report of the Joint Committee on Climate Change and Energy Security: Motion

 

2:00 pm

Photo of Olivia MitchellOlivia Mitchell (Dublin South, Fine Gael)

I am delighted to support the motion before the House, which seeks acceptance of the climate change Bill that has been proposed by the all-party committee. I know the Government has produced its own Bill. It does not matter which Bill is considered as long as one of them becomes law. It is important that a Bill is brought before the House so that we have a framework in place and strategies and plans to implement it.

We have been talking about climate change for 20 years. Over the years, many cynics have denied the existence of climate change. Nowadays, there is universal acceptance of the reality of climate change. If urgent action is not taken, it will be cataclysmic for the world at large. It would probably wipe out many countries. One way or another, climate change will change the world as we know it. All the assumptions we have made and taken for granted about world economy will have to be reconsidered.

I do not think the Government has been serious about climate change in recent years. The Kyoto Protocol was accepted in principle, but no real effort was made to comply with any of its targets. The target for Ireland was to limit its increase in emissions to 13% of the 1990 baseline. This target was completely ignored during the Celtic tiger years, with the result that emissions grew almost exponentially. Ironically, the recession has done for emissions what the Government failed to do. It now seems we might comply with the 2013 target, entirely as a result of the reduction in economic activity and the consequent decrease in emissions.

The Kyoto targets have now been superseded by EU targets. We have given a commitment that by 2020, we will have reduced our dependence on fossil fuels by 90% and will be generating a third of our energy needs from renewable resources. Anyone who knows anything about the current situation will understand how difficult it will be to achieve such a significant target. It is meaningless to set such targets in the absence of strategies and plans. I know from listening to officials from State bodies and Departments talking about the targets they set each year that the output statements which are produced at the end of each year rarely bear any resemblance to the targets set at the start of the year. They change the target for the following year. The target cannot be changed in this case. Our targets will not be met unless we have a clear strategy and framework and a plan to implement them.

We cannot rely on the recession to look after climate change for us. Our climate change policies should be robust and should transcend good or bad economic times. In short, we have to change the way we produce and use energy. I appreciate that there is conflict between many competing interests, as Deputy Sargent said. There is conflict between environmental costs and energy costs at the early stages. Fine Gael believes that Ireland's natural resources, if properly harnessed, could not only make Ireland less dependent on imported fuel and give us much needed fuel security, but could also make Ireland an exporter of energy. We should aspire to achieve that as the perfect long-term solution to our energy problems. It makes environmental and economic sense to do so as quickly as possible.

Fine Gael's NewERA document outlines our proposals for investing in renewable energy. If that is to happen, it is absolutely essential that the second interconnector is finished as quickly as possible. We should start to plan a third interconnector so that we can buy and sell energy. It would allow us to export excess energy. In addition, it would allow us to access foreign-produced energy when there is a reduction in wind or wave energy, or any other intermittent form of energy.

Regardless of the merits of the carbon credits system in the early days, when we were trying to get acceptance of the reality of the climate change crisis, its day has passed. It is no longer an acceptable way of meeting our commitments. It does not mitigate climate change - it simply allows countries to salve their consciences. In some cases, the system of allocating credits inhibits efforts to switch to more environmentally friendly and sustainable practices. Even worse, more often than not it is done at the expense of poorer Third World countries that are trying to develop their economies, while allowing us to remain profligate. Its day has gone.

Mitigating or arresting climate change can be achieved only if there is total government buy-in to the idea of changing consumption patterns and production methods. We do not have the right regulatory framework at present. We do not have the grid, or the right system for gaining access to the grid. On the production side, much has been said about the great position we are in on the periphery of Europe. It is often suggested that we have a unique advantage in producing wave and wind energy. However, when one compares Ireland to the least suitable countries in terms of wind, for instance, our record is woeful. People seem to think we are doing well, but we are woeful when compared to other countries.

The political will to drive, facilitate and foster these industries on the kind of scale that is required simply does not exist. Innovative companies that sought to capitalise on our indigenous potential were driven out of the country in sheer frustration as their efforts were thwarted at every turn. The Government of the day failed to give the kind of leadership and implement the kind of regulatory framework that would have allowed such companies to continue to produce and create jobs in Ireland. The tragedy is that such companies are now building wind farms in other countries, thereby assuring their future sustainability and their jobs. Once again, Ireland is losing out.

Biomass is potentially a partial solution to our energy needs. Our damp climate and rich soil is ideally suited to biomass. The Fine Gael policy in this area involves a marriage of effort between Coillte and Bord na Móna. A collaborative effort is needed to sustain indigenous jobs, to reduce imports and to decrease our carbon footprint. If we are serious about tackling climate change and reducing our carbon footprint for the sake of future generations, we must grasp the nettle and not merely continue to pay lip service to the notion of sustainability.

The ordinary members of the public who use energy - domestic householders and those involved in industry - can make a huge difference on the demand side. There is great goodwill to save the environment and change our patterns of behaviour, partly because of the increasing cost of energy but primarily because there is widespread recognition of the damage fossil fuels and greenhouse gases are doing to our planet. The role of the Government is to help us to change our ways and to incentivise and facilitate change. I do not refer merely to the imposition of carbon levies. I accept they have a role, but they are not the whole story and cannot be expected to achieve miracles.

We need meaningful retrofitting of our older building stock. Homes that were built as recently as ten years ago are woefully wasteful of energy and hugely expensive for occupants. Such investment during the Celtic tiger years would have been far preferable to the kind of building that took place. It is not too late, however. We need to expand the current installation schemes, which are valuable. We need to introduce something much more comprehensive. Schemes of this nature should be much more accessible. We need to vary them and make them more flexible so that they meet the varying needs and pockets of people. We need to expand them if we are to make a difference to our housing stock, which will be with us for another 100 or 200 years.

Huge benefits could be achieved in the public transport sector. We need to try to get people to make a modal switch from the car to public transport. The relatively small investment that was made in public transport showed the willingness of the public to embrace public transport and make that switch. People see public transport as socially, economically and environmentally preferable. As we see throughout the country, including in our cities, the absolute tragedy is that buses are being taken off the roads and people are being forced back into their cars. If the Government is really serious about bringing in a Bill and trying to change public behaviour, it will invest in public transport. I know the economy is on its knees. There is a tendency to see a Bill like this as irrelevant, or as a luxury we cannot afford. I suggest it is precisely what we need if we are to invest in a sustainable future.

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