Joan Burton (Dublin West, Labour)

I congratulate my colleague, Deputy Howlin, on putting together what is a highly ambitious but realistic programme of reform. Ireland faces a number of crises. Clearly, it has an appalling banking crisis in which the losses in the banks have been socialised whereas in the preceding years, all the profits in the banks were privatised. Ireland has a crisis with regard to employment and its economy, as well as in respect of its public administration of institutions such as the HSE. However, greater than all the other crises and, in a way, the talisman of the different crises from which it suffers, Ireland has a crisis of reputation. People, whether Irish-Americans or Europeans, who once openly admired Ireland now no longer believe much of what is said. This is because from the time the banking and economic crisis started to unfold three years ago, the Government, and the Taoiseach, Deputy Cowen, and the Minister, Brian Lenihan, in particular, repeatedly stated that we were turning a corner, that everything would be all right or that we were out of the difficulty. Ireland has shredded the confidence of international investors and of the bond markets, which are particularly tough with regard to reputational issues, because it is perceived to be a country without an adequate system of governance. When everything is going fine, people are prepared to accept a narrative to the effect that this is something to do with the Irish character or Irish style of life or that the Galway tent is funny, enjoyable and a bit of craic. However, when the economic position turns as it has done, people take a very hard-nosed attitude to our reputation, which is shredded. This ambitious programme of reform seeks the placing of a clear stamp by a new Government. Only a new Government can do this because of all the reputations that have been shredded, that of Fianna Fáil probably is more damaged than any other institution in the country. However, one can start again with a new Government with an ambitious programme of reform.

Today marks the 20th anniversary of the election of Mary Robinson as the first female President of Ireland. One factor that marked her successful contest for the office of President was that in many ways, she spearheaded the hopes of a generation that things in Ireland could be different, that we could open out to the light, could end the climate of censorship and repression and could have much more public governance. As Deputy Howlin has stated, during its last period in government the Labour Party introduced a number of key legislative reforms on freedom of information, the regulation of elections and in respect of a restriction on fundraising and the amounts of money that could be contributed to politicians during an election, as well as with regard to a number of other offices. Essentially, a new Government will be obliged to readdress all these issues. Other than for personal requests, freedom of information was pretty much closed down for public requests by means of a much longer, more tedious and more expensive process by a carefree Charlie McCreevy. In a manner similar to his proposals on decentralisation, he regarded the gutting of the Freedom of Information Act as offering two fingers to those who were prissy and who only cared about standards. It was an case of "Here is one in the eye for you; when I have it I spend it". He was delighted to give two fingers to the Labour Party and to voices in civil society who recognised the value of freedom of information legislation.

I have made many freedom of information requests in my time and note that such requests now are highly expensive, as one is charged large amounts of money by the Department of Finance and other Departments. One request I have made consistently in recent years has been to get access to the papers and documents surrounding the night of the fatal and fateful bank guarantee. Although I have had success with small amounts of information, three years into the greatest financial crisis this country has ever known, essentially we still are no wiser. I wish to make specific reference this evening to a number of remarkable articles that appeared in two leading newspapers last weekend. One, which appeared in Saturday's edition of the Irish Independent, was by Bruce Arnold, a highly respected journalist who has a long record of exposing matters of public interest in Ireland. The other article was by Senan Moloney and Jason O'Toole and appeared in the Irish Daily Mail. This is the reason a restoration of freedom of information legislation is required because essentially, the Irish Daily Mail article suggests that from late 2007, Seán FitzPatrick, the former chairman of Anglo Irish Bank, was a member of or was attached to what both articles described as a kitchen cabinet run by the then Minister for Finance, Deputy Cowen, in the run-up to his expected elevation as the leader of Fianna Fáil. The information is described as having been given by a former highly senior figure in Anglo Irish Bank who clearly was both a senior director and senior executive. Bruce Arnold stated "Cowen knew that the fiscal roof was falling in when, as Finance Minister... he involved himself in the Anglo Irish Bank crisis, setting up a kitchen cabinet". The same remarks are made in the Irish Daily Mail. Moreover, the latter newspaper again reported on the famous dinner, about which all Members have heard and that features in a number of books, that took place in Heritage House in St. Stephen's Green. I refer to a private dinner with the Taoiseach-elect in April 2008, who at that point was the heir to the leadership of Fianna Fáil.

Why must Members be obliged to rely on an unattributed source in two leading newspapers about the most expensive decision in the history of the Irish State or the connection of that decision to the investment or to the gambling in contracts for difference by Seán Quinn? I recall that when I mentioned Seán Quinn some years ago in this House, I was accused of not wearing the green jersey. Indeed, a former director of another institution has stated that the aforementioned green jersey agenda was the essential agenda pursued by the regulator, the Central Bank, the Department of Finance and others who must have and should have been aware that Anglo Irish Bank was a bust institution. Ireland now faces a financial crisis of unprecedented proportion. However, unlike almost any other democratic state or European Union member state, not a single banker has been made accountable before the courts of the land. Moreover, not a single banker has even appeared before a joint committee to do as did Fred the Shred, that is, Sir Fred Goodwin, in the United Kingdom, who at least had the grace to apologise to the country for what he had done while in charge of his bank. How does the Minister of State, Deputy Calleary, expect the international bond markets to believe a word out of the mouths of Ministers when this information seems to be available around the world, and it now emerges that various brokerage houses in the United States and London knew all about the contracts for difference of Seán Quinn? It was for that reason that the share price of that bank collapsed on St. Patrick's Day 2007. The Taoiseach clearly knew then.

If we had a Freedom of Information Act we would have established this a long time ago. We have a Freedom of Information Act that drip-feeds information, as Fianna Fáil drip-fed bad news this year about the banks. The fact that we will not tell the people the truth is damaging, not just to the people of Ireland but incredibly financially damaging to Ireland.

With a new Government, the people deserve to learn the truth. The proposals put forward by the Labour Party will give the people the right to learn the truth about the calamity they are paying for.

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