Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)

Ba mhaith liom an deis seo a thógáil chun labhairt ar Chomhairle an Aontais Eorpaigh ríthábhachtach seo. Tá sé spéisiúil an tslí go bhfuil sé curtha i láthair go dtí seo agus na cinntí atá an Chomhairle ag iarraidh a ghlacadh gan díriú isteach ar an ghá le reifreann, sa tír seo ach go háirithe. Tá na tiortha móra is láidre san Aontas Eorpach ag iarraidh ath-smacht a chur ar na tiortha beaga. Cad a bhí i gceist san Aontas Eorpach ach go mbeadh tiortha ar chomhchéim ag obair i bpáirtíocht lena chéile? Arís agus arís eile, le conradh i ndiaidh conartha, feictear dom agus d'a lán daoine eile go bhfuil smacht á tharraingt isteach i lár an Aontais Eorpaigh chuig na tiortha móra láidre, na tiortha a raibh impireacht acu roimhe seo agus atá fós sa tóir ar an impireacht sin. Sin an fáth go bhfuil mé buartha faoin treo ina bhfuil an Rialtas ag bogadh faoi láthair, nach bhfuil sé sásta seasamh suas do féinmheas na tíre, i gceisteanna eacnamaíochta agus airgeadais ach go háirithe. Ba chóir go mbeadh sé de láidreacht agus de chrógacht ag aon Rialtas seasamh suas i gcoinne gluaiseachtaí ar bith a cheanglódh sinn isteach sna hathruithe atáá moladh faoi láthair ag an Fhrainc agus an Ghearmáin.

The key focus of the European Council last week was a move by France and Germany to further amend the European Union treaties. This comes a little more than one year following the passage of the Lisbon treaty in this State, albeit at a second attempt. The two member states in question sought to reform the EU treaties to provide a permanent crisis resolution mechanism within the eurozone and expressed a desire to punish countries which breach the Stability and Growth Pact, with proposals that such countries should be deprived of voting rights in the EU Council. Those countries would not expect to be punished in the same way, although they have been serial breachers of the pact in the past. I doubt they would allow their votes to be suspended in future were they to breach the pact once again. However, they are holding the cards at the moment. What stand did the Taoiseach take on behalf of the State to oppose these further attempts to limit the economic and political sovereignty of member states, Ireland in particular? Did the Taoiseach seek allies? Have the Taoiseach and the Minister of State begun the process of gathering allies among other countries in a similar position to Ireland which may or may not find themselves on the right or wrong side of the pact and this new proposal to punish countries? Many of the new accession countries and many small countries may face the wrath of France and Germany in future. Did the Minister of State make the argument or did he simply capitulate? The media coverage to date carries no expression that Ireland and its representatives had the balls or the backbone to stand up to these demands. The reality has become a good deal clearer as the crisis has unfolded and Ireland's economic sovereignty has been seriously undermined by successive Governments, including this Government, and by the EU treaties which they encouraged or rather bribed the people to agree to.

The policies of the current Government risk consigning Irish economic sovereignty to the dustbin of history. The move discussed at the EU Council represents a further step that this Government is taking along that dangerous path. There is a consensus on the proposals for cuts among all parties in Opposition except for Sinn Féin. This is based on the acceptance of a deadline, arbitrarily set in 2014, for the reduction of the budget deficit to 3% of GDP, which would fall in line with the Growth and Stability Pact. This is an arbitrary deadline set at a time when, according to the Government's account, it held a radically different view of what the commitment entailed. It seems when the target was agreed, the Government envisaged an adjustment of the order of €7 billion. However, we are all aware of what has happened since, that is, this figure has doubled. However the timeframe for addressing the deficit has not doubled despite the fact that the adjustment has changed substantially. Given the circumstances facing the country, now is the time for the Government to take decisions in the best interests of the country.

Although nothing is finalised, no decision with regard to the proposals by Angela Merkel and President Sarkozy is in the best interests of the country at the moment. We must ensure that in future we take back sovereignty rather than lose it further. We must hold political leaders to account and develop the economy in a way that benefits the mass of people rather than the banks and the wealthy. Instead, the Government appears to be going to Brussels, cap in hand, capitulating to the Franco- German demands. Any demands from the EU to the effect that Ireland should reduce its deficit from 32% to 3% of GDP in four years is plainly bonkers. Both Germany and France broke the Stability and Growth Pact during the boom years. How can political leaders or institutions credibly expect any member state to deliver such a mammoth fiscal correction in the current crisis and in the timeframe which the Government proposes?

The EU or other institutions do not expect that. Agreeing to a deadline one accepts cannot be met is deeply dishonest. All of the parties in the consensus for cuts are implicated in that dishonesty. The Irish Government has agreed with Chancellor Merkel and President Sarkozy that the structuring of EU member states' fiscal policy should be done in line with their proposals. The EU can play a positive role but not one that is proposed at present. The focus of the European Council could and should have been on job creation, stimulating economic growth, improving the living standards of all citizens in each member state and taking moves to curb the recklessness of the banking and financial institutions responsible for causing the economic crisis. Much of this was set out under the Lisbon strategy. That has not been delivered on and has been changed since. We had a debate on this point not so long ago. We have heard nothing about progress in these areas.

Where are the jobs promised to the Irish people last year? In the event of the passage of the Lisbon treaty we would achieve Nirvana, according to the Minister of State. It was an illusion, as I argued at the time. It is a pity I was not listened to because then we might not be in deep crisis to the same extent. The situation is worse than when the Lisbon treaty was put to the Irish people for a second time. The surrender of sovereignty is far worse for us. Now we have another proposal that the Irish people surrender another degree of sovereignty and control over our futures. If the Government is as reckless as the Government has been in recent times, future generations will have to suffer consequences and we will be punished without any democratic rights within the EU. That plays into the hands of those who said the EU is the opposite of a democratic institution.

In spite of the fresh moves to change the treaties, there is no move to consider the insertion of a social progress clause, which we debated during the Lisbon treaty debates. It is a long-standing demand of parties of the left in Ireland and throughout the European Union and a demand of the trade union movement. Instead, the European Council endorsed an approach that seems certain to aggravate the budgetary problems it seeks to resolve in this and other EU countries. A slash and burn philosophy has not worked in this country over the past two years and is unlikely to work in any EU countries in the time ahead. The EU leaders should be listening to people across Europe who took to the streets in many cities of Europe, including Dublin and Brussels, on 29 September to demand social protection be improved, that the Government take initiatives to stimulate the economy and that the focus be on job creation and protection of public services and those who are vulnerable.

There is a better and fairer way to get this country and other countries across Europe out of recession. In this country, Sinn Féin's proposals in the pre-budget submission on Monday should be examined by the Government. It shows there is an alternative to the slash and burn proposals and policies pursued by the Government in the past number of years. In the time ahead we will see further protests across Europe and in Ireland. I encourage people to join Sinn Féin on Saturday, 4 December at 1.30 p.m. to oppose the Government's proposals in the budget the following week. I hope they will join the community protest on the day of the budget because there is a palpable sense of anger in our society. This will be vented one way or another and it should be vented in a constructive way to demand that the Government, at the very least, does not pursue the policies it intends in the forthcoming budget and that there is a general election so that every party's proposals can be put to the people.

The EU is proposing to give more power to the people who got us into this mess in addition to the power grab by the EU. This risks locking the EU into an unsustainable and unjust social and economic logic whereby the less well-off are paying for a crisis not of their making. This cannot be accepted. From the conclusions of the Council and from what the Taoiseach said, I note that it is agreed that the President of the EU Council, Mr. Herman Van Rompuy, is to consult with member states in respect of the proposals to amend the European treaties and will report back in December. It is incumbent on the Government in the meantime to withstand and uphold the long-standing tradition in this country set down by the Supreme Court in the Crotty case that if there is to be a further transfer of sovereignty from Ireland to the EU, it needs to be done by referendum. I will personally oppose any attempt by this Government to adopt any change by sleight of hand. There must be a referendum in any dilution or surrender of sovereignty.

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