Brian Cowen (Laois-Offaly, Fianna Fail)

First, the basis upon which engagement has taken place with colleagues is that there can be no re-ratification of the Lisbon treaty by other national parliaments. This, therefore, involves the Government obtaining clarifications and confirmation from its colleagues on what is the position in respect of the Lisbon treaty text on those important issues about which very different interpretations were put by the "No" side on the last occasion. Certain fears were raised and certain scenarios were painted suggesting that, for example, the Lisbon treaty meant an involvement in militarisation of the European Union and that our traditional policies of neutrality were being compromised and undermined. Moreover, it was suggested that the prospect of the privatisation of public services was imminent. Many worst case or false scenarios were painted by the "No" side in an effort to gain support. While I have no problem with the "No" side seeking support for its disagreements with the treaty's contents, I have no time for the intellectual dishonesty that characterised much of the argumentation from the "No" side. It now is being confirmed by these guarantees that such arguments have no relevance whatever to the treaty itself.

The Government will be able to state clearly to the Irish people that nothing in this treaty attributes legal status to the Charter on Fundamental Rights. Similarly, in respect of the provisions of the treaty on freedom, security and justice, there is nothing whatever that affects in any way the scope and applicability of the protection of the right to life in the relevant articles of the Constitution. The same is true in respect of the protection of the family in Article 41 and of the protection of rights in respect of education as provided for by articles of the Constitution. Nothing whatever in this treaty affects in any way the scope and applicability of those provisions as they apply in Ireland.

Second, it will be confirmed that the Treaty of Lisbon contains nothing that makes a change of any kind to the extent and operation of the competence of the European Union in respect of taxation. This was another matter that was suggested by the "No" side on the last occasion. This constitutes confirmation by all member states that were signatories to the treaty and which are in the process of ratifying it, that it contains nothing that affects the operation or competence of the European Union regarding taxation.

On security and defence, it will be set out clearly that the common security and defence policy is an integral part of our common security and defence policy. It gives an operational capacity to the Union to undertake missions outside the Union for peacekeeping, conflict prevention and for strengthening international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. It does not prejudice the specific character of Ireland's security and defence policy. There is nothing in here in which Ireland is required to be involved about which it has any disagreement or problem. It is a completely permissible facility for Ireland to discharge its obligations in the international arena in a manner that is completely consistent with its traditional policies of neutrality. Ireland's policy of neutrality is not based on isolationism but on engagement. It is based on involvement, through the United Nations, with various activities of which as a people we all are deeply proud and which will continue. In a spirit of solidarity and without prejudice to that traditional policy, Ireland can determine the nature of aid or assistance to be provided to a member state that is the object of a terrorist attack, etc., or the victim of armed aggression. Consequently, nothing prejudices our policy in these matters.

As for the question of the solemn declaration on workers' rights and social policy, in respect of the political agreement that was reached last December, it was clear that such a solemn declaration was what was available on these matters. The European Union is not disposed, as a union of 27 member states, to engage itself in a protocol in this particular area. The benefit of the declaration is that it confirms what is contained in the treaty on these matters. I, of course, am aware that within the trade union movement in Europe, there are people who quite rightly wish to advance these aspects in due course in subsequent treaties and that argument and case will continue to be made. However, there are protections and there are issues within the Lisbon treaty itself on these matters, which again will be outlined in detail in order that there will be no misrepresentation as to what the treaty contains. Deputy Ó Caoláin should note that these will be the clarifications and statements that I hope will be forthcoming when the European Council arrives at its conclusions. They will be of considerable assistance to many who were given to understand that all these issues were affected by the Lisbon treaty when clearly they are not.

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