Joe Costello (Dublin Central, Labour)

I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak about the report on Ireland's future in the European Union, which I commend to the House. It is the culmination of seven weeks of intensive work by the 12 Oireachtas Members who sat on the sub-committee. I pay tribute to its Chairman, Senator Paschal Donohoe, who was excellent throughout, and the Vice Chairman, Deputy Timmy Dooley, who stepped in when the occasion arose, as well as to my colleagues on the sub-committee who made great contributions over the seven weeks. I also pay tribute to the secretariat for the dedication shown which was way above the call of duty. They had to work long hours to ensure various drafts and amendments were put together on time, especially towards the end of the deliberations.

In this age of tribunals, consultants, public relations schools, expensive lawyers and quangos, it is refreshing that Members of the Oireachtas, assisted by public servants, can complete an important job on time and at virtually no cost to the taxpayer. It is a model for carrying out similar work in the future. It is time that controversial issues of public concern were dealt with directly by a parliamentary committee, rather than being farmed out to external bodies, which take forever and often cost the Earth. The legal and administrative changes that may be required to facilitate such Oireachtas examination and investigation should be made as quickly as possible in the public interest. This type of analysis could be undertaken on any future treaties that come before us and we could bring in expert witnesses, stakeholders and invite the general public to contribute in order that we would be in a better position when holding a referendum.

Membership of the European Union has been a voyage of discovery for Ireland since we joined in 1973. It broadened the horizons of an island nation which had been obsessed with and dominated by its larger neighbour. The European Economic Community was based on principles of equality and solidarity between member states, whether great or small. This was an entirely new factor in the Irish political and economic experience and it was very welcome. The European Union also provided the political and economic context for the peaceful resolution of the Northern Ireland conflict and brought peace to the entire island for the first time in centuries. Now, 35 years on, Ireland's relationship with the European Union is in something of a crisis. There are new concerns about Ireland's future engagement with the Union. The Lisbon treaty referendum highlighted the problem. Some 53% of the electorate voted "No" in the referendum. In subsequent polls, particularly the Millward Brown survey, a clear majority of people wanted Ireland to remain firmly at the heart of the European Union. The challenge facing the Government is to resolve this apparent conundrum — to square the circle of rejection, on the one hand, and the desire for engagement, on the other hand. The Government's response should not deteriorate into an exercise in navel-gazing or national introspection.

The economic recession, the demise of the Celtic tiger and the failings of the political establishment could easily create a negativity and distrust that would cause the people to use the European Union as an easy scapegoat once more. Unscrupulous Governments and uncaring stakeholders have repeatedly taken credit for the benefits conferred during the years by Ireland's membership of the European Union. At the same time, they have blamed many of their own shortcomings on the Union. Such interests have made the EU a scapegoat and damaged its credibility among many Irish people. Some of the real culprits are in this House. They are, in no small measure, responsible for the rejection of the Lisbon treaty. The Sub-Committee on Ireland's Future in the European Union heard again and again from people who have suspicions, fears, doubts, concerns and misgivings about Ireland's relationship with the EU.

Ireland can no longer take the EU for granted as a cash cow to be milked at will and blamed for the ills of the nation as the cash dries up. As a member of the Party of European Socialists, the Labour Party has a long history of internationalism dating back to its origins and the origins of the trade union movement. Solidarity between working men and women, regardless of national boundaries, is at the heart of the labour movement. The EU has been a positive force in vindicating workers' rights during the decades. A fairly comprehensive statement made by Mr. Blair Horan, which is included in the sub-committee's report, set out the role of the EU in this regard. He said he could not "conceive of any significant item of worker's rights legislation in the last 35 years that has not emanated from the Union, starting with the equal pay legislation". The provisions of the Lisbon treaty, such as the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the social clause and the restatement of the Union's values and principles, further enhance and strengthen protections for working men and women.

I have a couple of important things to say before the Taoiseach leaves. I consider it somewhat alarming that neither the Taoiseach nor the Minister for Foreign Affairs has articulated publicly any interest in dealing with the issues the Labour Party sees as central to this debate. The Taoiseach referred to issues like the size of the European Commission, taxation, conscription, neutrality and sensitive social and ethical matters. The issues in question have been discussed during the Taoiseach's whistle-stop tour of the various EU capital cities. The issues affecting workers and the trade union movement do not appear to be of major concern to the Taoiseach, however. In the statement he made at the start of this debate, he referred to four critical issues — the future composition of the Commission, issues related to defence and our tradition of neutrality, social-ethical matters and taxation.

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