Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)

Ba mhaith liom, mar aon le gach duine sa Teach, mo chomhbhrón a chású le clann agus cairde Shane Geoghegan. Ba mhaith liom an deis a úsáid freisin chun mo chomhbhrón a chású le clanna Donna Cleary, Anthony Campbell, Brian Fitzgerald, Seán Poland, Darren Coughlan, Eddie Ward agus na daoine neamhurchóideacha eile a maraíodh go brúidiúlach nó a gortaíodh go dona in ionsaithe le blianta beaga anuas, in ionsaithe na gangland thugs a luaigh cainteoirí romham.

As a society we owe it to these victims not only to deliver justice in their individual cases, but also to do everything in our power to prevent further barbaric killings, such as those witnessed last week. The Government must waste no time in deploying every available resource to catch and prosecute Shane Geoghegan's killer. The community in Limerick and throughout the State has had enough of these gangs operating with impunity. On many occasions in this Chamber I have called on the Government to usher in a new phase in the fight against serious crime, particularly drug-related crime. Such a phase would see the Garda Síochána properly equipped and resourced to meet the challenge. This phase would take gardaí out from behind their desks and onto the streets. It would target the drugs crisis, which is the main cause of gangland crime. Those involved in so-called recreational drug use are culpable in the death of Shane Geoghegan. That is a message for all of society.

I wish to outline a range of practical and effective measures which, if introduced, could significantly help to tackle gangland crime. For far too long, Governments have got away with duping the nation into believing that they are responding to crime. The modus operandi of previous Governments has been to announce often unnecessary legislative proposals every time the crime situation puts them under public and media pressure. The bulk of this legislation has either simply restated existing offences under common law or introduced provisions that have not been employed because they are simply unworkable. It is time to break with tradition and take practical action instead.

Beginning with Limerick and then expanding to the situation nationwide, I wish to outline a series of steps that would significantly boost the ability of An Garda Síochána and the DPP successfully to investigate, prosecute and convict the perpetrators of serious gangland crime, in addition to reducing violent crime in our society. Thankfully, in the wake of the latest atrocity, the Taoiseach and Garda Commissioner have agreed with Sinn Féin that, in the main, sufficient legislation exists. What is sorely needed is the incriminating information that may be known to family members or associates of those involved in the killing of Shane Geoghegan and/or known to members of the wider community. That would lead to a conviction and therefore the prevention of future gangland murders.

Many good people in Limerick, and elsewhere, understandably fear reporting serious criminals to the Garda Síochána. In Limerick, and in my area, one factor contributing to this fear of reporting is the real prospect that one's name might be heard by criminals who use radio scanners to listen to Garda communications. The use of scanners in Limerick has become so prevalent that the Garda radio frequency has become known as radio ga ga. The introduction of secure digital radio for gardaí in Limerick would address this small problem. Secure digital radio is to be rolled out in the Dublin metropolitan region early in 2009. Limerick is not scheduled to receive this new technology, which is a good crime-fighting measure, until 2010, at the earliest. This is not acceptable given that serious crime in Limerick is at least on a par with serious crime in pockets of the capital. The roll-out of secure digital radio to Limerick must be brought forward in line with Dublin.

Another measure that has been rolled out in Dublin already, but which Limerick has been left waiting for, is the "dial to stop drug dealing" initiative, the confidential non-Garda telephone line. In the case of a Dublin district, the Garda confirmed yesterday that of 450 calls received since the new telephone line was highlighted, a total of 141 informative reports were generated, which led to a significant number of arrests and a major drugs seizure. This inexpensive, hugely beneficial initiative could be rolled out in Limerick almost instantaneously. The telephone line was first successfully piloted in Blanchardstown in 2006 and I have since called for it to be rolled out across the country. Why are Limerick and my area, one of the areas hardest hit by gangland feuding, still waiting for it?

The focus of many politicians and commentators this week has been on the witness protection programme. While this programme has shown its importance, its scope is limited. The programme focuses on criminals turned informants but what protections are there for the good people of Limerick, and elsewhere, whose testimony may be needed to secure convictions? What practical steps are being undertaken to assure the safety and allay the fears of these good people? What is being done at a practical level to address intimidation or the equally damaging prospect of it? What progress has been made to protect witnesses in the context of identity parades? Simple steps have not been taken in this regard. Where are the two-way mirrors? What has been done to ensure that witnesses no longer find themselves using the same transport to court as accused persons? This matter was highlighted some years ago in a committee meeting.

I welcome the impending completion of the new criminal courts complex in Dublin but what is being done in Circuit Courts elsewhere? I know progress has been made on refurbishments but are there separate entrances, rest rooms and waiting areas for witnesses and accused persons' families and supporters? What protections are there during the pre-trial and post-trial period? Practical supports and effective protections must be introduced if good people are to engage confidently with the justice system, as we so desperately need them to.

To reiterate, I believe at this time the solution to gangland crime must be more resource-based than legislation-based. Despite the fact that we are in the grips of a recession, measures can be taken to deploy gardaí more effectively and efficiently within current funding provisions. The submission made by my party to the Garda policing plan for 2009 highlights the potential of prioritising policing missions and redirecting resources to match those priorities. The 2007 report of the Garda inspectorate deemed civilianisation is "the quickest and most effective means of putting extra trained gardaí on the streets". State-wide, civilian support staff make up approximately 17.5% of the staff of the Garda Síochána. I do not know the percentage in Limerick but I would imagine that it is in keeping with the national figure. By contrast, civilian staff levels in the police forces of England, Wales, Scotland, the United States and Sweden have risen to between 30% and 40%. This is what we must reach if we are to have properly trained crime fighters on the streets, rather than sitting behind desks dealing with dog licences and the like. The Garda should expedite a further extended process of civilianisation of administrative tasks. Much of the Garda traffic corps' duties could also be targeted in this way as this would free up fully trained gardaí to tackle the likes of the horrific crime we saw last week.

The Garda inspectorate is currently undertaking a study on the allocation of Garda resources. I hope this study will have far-reaching implications for policing in Ireland from 2009 onwards. Its findings must be afforded the appropriate urgency by the Government and the Garda Commissioner.

As I have said so many times before, gangland, guns and drugs go hand in hand. From a long-term perspective, the only sustainable solution to gangland crime will be one that properly and holistically responds to the national drugs crisis. This must entail well resourced preventative measures, treatment and rehabilitation opportunities, informed by and funded through a complete network of local drug task forces. My local drug task force, of which I am a member, has been operating for ten years, yet Limerick does not have one. From a law enforcement perspective, supply and demand reduction must also be a priority of the Garda Síochána. Resources and manpower for the Garda drugs units must be at least doubled and the frequent diversion of drugs unit members into other areas of policing must end.

More sniffer dog teams must be made available to the Garda Síochána. At the end of 2007, the Garda Síochána had just six dogs skilled in drugs and firearms residue detection. Gardaí must often rely on assistance from customs' detector dogs. However, the primary responsibility of those dogs is to detect drugs as they enter the State through ports and airports. The Garda would welcome dogs to work on intelligence-led seizures and raids, seeking hidden drugs that have entered the State. However, the scarcity of dogs means that it is rarely possible to deploy them on foot of more general objectives. For example, in other jurisdictions sniffer dogs accompany police officers on patrols of entertainment zones to assist in the detection of drugs on persons and to act as a deterrent to drug use. The number of sniffer dog and handler teams skilled in the detection of drugs and firearms should be increased in order that they will be available to every Garda division to undertake valuable demand and supply reduction work, including, but not limited to, intelligence-led operations.

The profits to be made from organised crime, in particular drugs, must be visibly eliminated and the work of the Criminal Assets Bureau, CAB, is essential in this regard. It is vital that the activities of CAB are squarely focused on the proceeds of organised crime. The political exploitation of CAB must stop and cases that would be more appropriately dealt with by Revenue alone must be left to that agency. Steps must be taken to speed up the impact of CAB. A case that commenced in 1997, involving an order for €3.3 million, was concluded in the Supreme Court this week. That case took 11 years. Delays must be reduced and we need to get to the point where criminals, and the community, are made to see that crime does not pay because the State will promptly confiscate the proceeds. There must be a real and visible return to communities. Moneys confiscated by the CAB should be ring-fenced as additional funding for the communities worst affected by the drugs crisis. It would send a very powerful message if the Minister took this on board.

There is justifiable public anger at the number of crimes being committed while on bail. Lengthy delays in the justice system are a central problem. Resourcing the justice system, including the courts, the DPP and free legal aid so that justice can be administered promptly, would put the Judiciary in a better position to make the most appropriate decision on bail applications. Unfortunately, the Government is moving in the wrong direction resource-wise. The Director of Public Prosecutions, Mr. James Hamilton, has publicly confirmed that the 3% cut to the budget of his office will mean that the number of prosecutions it can undertake will be reduced. This will likely result in more delays and more crimes being committed while people are on bail.

I urge the Minister to listen to the practical points I have made — I have other points to make, which I will raise on other occasions. We can take practical steps and have a real effect on crime in our society, in particular drugs crime, which is fuelling gangland killings.

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