Ciarán Cuffe (Dún Laoghaire, Green Party)

However, I am sure my colleagues like a challenge and we will no doubt triumph against the numbers.

It is interesting to examine the process used to effect the distribution of seats. In fairness to those involved in the process we, in Ireland, can hold our heads high because we do not engage in gerrymandering, for which I have found no evidence in the recent past. We need look no further than the United States to see a backward system which essentially allows those with political influence to change constituency boundaries. While reading Barack Obama's autobiography, The Audacity of Hope, I was taken aback to learn that he drew a line on a map to decide what would be his local constituency in the state of Illinois. This was an example of gerrymandering at its worst. Whether it be Elbridge Gerry, the governor of Massachusetts from 1810 to 1812 who drew a line on the map to facilitate his re-election or the lines still being drawn by most US politicians in state elections, we can count ourselves lucky that we do not have such political influence over constituency boundaries.

I am concerned at the different boundaries we use for different functions, for example, policing, health, education, housing and local administration. Having a plethora of different boundaries which do not necessarily coincide gives rise to confusion in the eyes of members of the public and causes problems in finding basic statistical data, such as crime rates and levels of participation in education. In considering this legislation, I ask that we try to improve the confluence of administrative boundaries. I accept that the Dublin Regional Authority examined this issue some time ago and some improvements have been made. When I was a councillor in the inner city in the early 1990s my local electoral boundary strayed into three different Dáil constituencies, namely, Dublin Central, Dublin South-Central and Dublin South-East. While some improvements have been forthcoming, much more progress could be made.

Electoral boundaries can be confusing. Many believe I represent Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown rather than Dún Laoghaire. Although Dún Laoghaire is in south Dublin in the wider sense, Dublin South is in the Rathdown side of the town while south Dublin does not coincide with the Dublin South constituency but is a completely different local electoral area. If I am somewhat confused by this, the good people of Dublin are much more confused. The media is also frequently confused by the different electoral areas, partly as a result of the nomenclature we use. The term "Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown" does not trip lightly off the tongue. Perhaps we should consider having more effective names for constituencies in Dublin.

I wholeheartedly agree with Deputy Burton's comments on over-representation in some rural areas. I took time to consult Google and Wikipedia before coming to the House and found that in 2006 County Leitrim had a population of 28,837 and 22 elected local authority members. In other words, each councillor represented 1,311 people. In the same year, the population of the Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown electoral area was 193,688, for which it had 27 elected members or one councillor for every 7,173 people. Councillors in both areas received an annual payment of €16,756, despite the fact that each councillor in Dún Laoghaire-Rathdown represents five and a half times more people than his or her counterparts in County Leitrim.

It is no coincidence that the greater Dublin area is haemorrhaging councillors as elected representatives resign from their respective councils. I suspect this trend is connected to their workload. I understand 16 or 17 councillors in the region resigned in recent years. While some resignations were due to substitutions being made for councillors elected to the Oireachtas, many councillors resigned due to their workload. It is not surprising that a councillor who represents 5.5 times as many people as his or her counterpart in County Leitrim would find the workload onerous. I am curious to learn whether councillors have resigned from Leitrim County Council. If so, I suspect the number who have done so is much lower than in the greater Dublin area.

It is curious that while the Constitution stipulates that Dáil Deputies must represent between 20,000 and 30,000, we allow considerable more latitude in our county councils. Another, more disturbing aspect to the level of under-representation and over-representation is the fact that councillors and their Oireachtas colleagues elect 43 of the 66 Senators to the Upper House. I suspect that rural interests are in some cases over-represented in the House to the detriment of urban interests. From observing debate in the Upper House, it is clear that farming interests, the need for rural roads to be upgraded, rural housing and so forth are the subject of intense debate, while issues such as metro and light rail for Dublin, the layout of apartments, noise pollution and proper planning do not receive similar attention. In a subtle, perhaps understated way we do not get the same focus on urban issues.

If anything has changed in Ireland during the past 20 years, it is that there has been a dramatic expansion of urban areas. I would be concerned if such areas were under-represented in city and county council chambers and in the Upper House of the Oireachtas. I plead, therefore, that we reconsider the levels of representation and ensure that urban areas receive the attention they deserve.

I am glad the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Deputy Gormley, is bringing forward proposals regarding a directly-elected mayor for Dublin. This will ensure a strong voice will be given to the interests of the metropolitan area. It is crucial that cities should have a voice, regardless of whether it be in respect of matters such as waste management, water supplies, sewerage systems or urban transport. In that context, I refer to Barcelona, under former mayor Pasqual Maragall in the 1980s and 1990s, and various cities in France and the United States. I am sure everyone remembers two former mayors of New York, Ed Koch and Rudolph Guiliani. If a city has a voice, the chances are that its interests will be better represented. Directly-elected mayors are an important component in that regard.

On the wider issue of electoral reform, we intend to establish an independent electoral commission that will take responsibility for electoral administration and oversight. Said commission will also be responsible for matters relating to electoral funding and for ensuring that there will be an independent electoral register.

Financing is crucial. It makes a mockery of the financial process that we only take into account contributions made during electoral campaigns. One candidate in Dún Laoghaire spent €45,000 on a campaign to be elected not to Dáil Éireann but to the county council. This is unfair, particularly when one considers that colleagues from my party only spent in the order of €2,000 to €3,000 on their campaigns. We must ensure that a high level of scrutiny and adequate spending controls are put in place in respect of the Oireachtas. There is a need to consider what is contributed and spent in the 12 months prior to general elections. We must also examine the position in respect of spending limits.

I am heartened by the introduction of the Bill, which contains many good ideas. I look forward to more substantial work being completed in the general area of electoral reform.

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