James Bannon (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the Intoxicating Liquor Bill 2008. Given that nobody in this country has not been affected in some way by the excessive consumption of alcohol, whether it is in their own homes where they have watched the downward spiral of an alcoholic family member or through the death of a loved one on the roads through an alcohol-related car accident, I am delighted to have a chance to address this issue here in the House.

The Government has been accused of tiptoeing around the problem of excessive alcohol consumption and as a consultant psychiatrist said recently, landing "light jabs" is useless. What is needed is a knock-out punch. The medical profession has long claimed that the Government is looking at Ireland's drink problem through the bottom of a glass.

According to a new report entitled Alcohol-Related Harm in Ireland by Dr. Ann Hope, alcohol abuse results in more than one quarter of all accident and emergency cases being alcohol-related. This is a very serious problem. Half of all violent killings and a quarter of severe domestic abuse cases are alcohol-related and alcohol consumption is impacting on road fatalities, cancer levels, unplanned pregnancies and public order. Of particular worry to me is the rise in alcohol misuse among young adults and teenagers, with damage caused by such misuse being potentially long term and irreversible.

The Government must increase the tax on alcopops and super-strength drinks to curb the binge drinking culture among young people. The money raised from such taxes could be used to slash duty on lower strength drinks and provide other non-alcohol-related leisure facilities for our young people in youth cafes. I see little point in forcing the expense of partitioning a shop to create an area in which to sell alcohol on convenience stores as this would put them under extra financial pressure in respect of matters like staffing and security cameras. What effect the small concessions the Minister gave on this matter on Tuesday will have remains to be seen. I thank the Fine Gael spokesperson, Deputy Charles Flanagan, for putting pressure on the Minister in respect of this matter. The Deputy received this among other concessions.

The tax increases would focus on alcopops such as vodka-based WKD and powerful lagers such as Tennent's Super Strong Lager. This would force potential problem drinkers to buy less or to switch to weaker products. Talking to gardaí, taxi drivers and others whose lives are made miserable by the behaviour of binge drinkers has convinced me that we need action against super-strength drinks and alcopops.

In light of the Hope report, it is essential the price of problem drinks is increased and the price of those with lower alcohol levels decreased. This has worked very well in other countries, particularly the US, and I have no doubt it would work well in Ireland.

As I mentioned on the Order of Business on Tuesday, I am surprised the sale of alcohol Bill has not yet seen the light of day. Surely if the Government was serious about tackling this problem, it could have set aside its historical aversion to joined-up thinking and produced this Bill to coincide, to some degree, with what we are discussing to maximise the effect. The Fine Gael spokesperson on this issue, Deputy Charles Flanagan, is pushing very hard for it but, by the time the sale of alcohol Bill is published and makes its way into this House, the impetus will be gone and this Bill could be regarded as merely an interim measure with limited long-term effect.

Currently Ireland has the highest level of binge drinking in Europe. More than one third of the population regularly indulges to this level and the problem is greatest among the 15-24 year age group, although it is not confined to them. In 2002 a ban on alcohol advertising was recommended by the strategic task force. Two years later the same group demanded that legislation be introduced without delay to reduce the exposure of children to alcohol advertising. A couple of months ago, six years on from the first call for a ban, the Government called for a voluntary code. This is a long way from the statutory code promised by the Government in 2003.

This Bill was set to remove the right to early morning selling of alcohol, which has been a feature of this country for over 80 years, being first sanctioned in 1927. The original Act to make this provision stated that early morning trade was needed to cater for those attending early markets and fairs or for those whose trade or calling left them in need of refreshment at unsociable hours. I remember my grandfather going into fairs at 5 a.m. or 6 a.m. The men always had breakfast at the local hotel or pub at 7.30 a.m. Having been out the night before, they would have to drive cattle to the fair on the hoof.

We have come a long way since those times. Today it is hard to say whether this provision is likely to have any real impact on the problem of excessive alcohol consumption and its associated problems. Currently, as was the case 80 years ago, early morning drinking is very much the preserve of those such as dockers, whose jobs involve anti-social hours and who have developed a lifestyle which is a social outlet and involves pubs operating so quietly that it is difficult to know if they are even open. This is the case in this city and others, as well as in the west of Ireland. The clients are regulars and have an air of ownership and belonging that leaves the casual visitor standing out as a stranger. It would not have been beneficial to deprive these people of a simple, long-established social ritual, which goes well beyond the pint in hand.

In my considered opinion, this was carrying the nanny state too far. Hard-working people enjoying a drink after a night's work, while most of us are waking from a good night's sleep, hardly constitutes a threat to national safety or the health of the nation. I had strongly opposed this element of the Bill and am pleased the Government has given in to pressure from Fine Gael and other Opposition parties, particularly Deputy Flanagan, rather than persist with such an unpopular measure.

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