Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)

Those who share my outlook on the Lisbon treaty believe that last Thursday, 12 June 2008, deserves to be remembered as a great day for democracy in Ireland and in Europe. It was a positive assertion by the Irish electorate of its power to decide on vital national issues. The people reached their verdict despite the hectoring of many people in the political and media establishment. This was not a vote about whether we should remain in the European Union — that question was not on the agenda — it was a vote about the type of EU we want to help to develop. Will it be an EU of political elites and bureaucrats or will it be a democratic Europe of the people?

The votes were barely counted when the President of the European Commission, Mr. Barroso, when speaking out of both sides of his mouth, said that while he respected the Irish decision, the remaining member states should continue with the ratification process. As soon as he said that, it was clear that our vote had served a vital democratic purpose. It exposed the real choice that faces all the people of Europe. Is the EU to be a partnership of equal states with a voice at the top table for all member states, regardless of size? If it is to continue as such, the ratification of the Lisbon treaty cannot proceed. It requires the unanimous agreement of all states, which cannot be achieved because the people of this State have said "No".

If the democratic decision of the Irish people is not to be respected, we will have a federal EU in the form of a centralised super state. Many people on the "Yes" side carelessly trotted out the line that our small population should not presume to hold up hundreds of millions of people across Europe. Such a comment ignores the fact that hundreds of millions of people have been denied referendums in their own countries. It can lead to just one conclusion, which is that national democracies do not count. Such people believe that the only valid unit for decision-making is the elite who are at the helm of the European Union as we know it. We should make no mistake about it — they want a federal EU. It would be much simpler if those who want such a super state were to make that clear. However, that is not what the Irish people want and I believe it is not what the majority of people across Europe want either.

While some advocates of the treaty have attempted to castigate the electorate for rejecting it, more reasonable voices have rightly pointed out that there is no crisis. Ireland will not be thrown out of the European Union. When the French and Dutch people rejected the proposed EU constitution in 2005, the ratification process was brought to an end. The same thing should happen in the case of the Lisbon treaty. The French and Dutch Governments told their EU counterparts that the game was up in the case of the constitutional treaty and that the ratification process should cease. The Irish Government needs to send a clear message to the European Commission at this week's leaders' summit that, notwithstanding its own support for the treaty, it is insisting on an end to the ratification process in countries which have not yet completed their respective processes. The Irish electorate, which overwhelmingly voted "No" last Thursday, deserves and expects no less.

As a citizen who voted "No" to the Lisbon treaty, I respectfully ask the Taoiseach to declare his respect for and acceptance of the decision of the Irish people and to act accordingly. During this week's leaders' summit, he should call for an end to the ratification process throughout the European Union. I hope I can make this request on behalf of all my fellow citizens who voted "No", for whatever reason. Similarly, I speak on behalf, I am certain, of the many thousands of people who voted "Yes" and strongly believe that the Irish decision should be fully respected and acted upon. The ball is at the Taoiseach's feet. He must exercise his right and duty to ensure that the decision of the Irish people last Thursday is accepted and complied with. When he faces his counterparts over the coming days, the Taoiseach must insist that the Lisbon treaty is over and done with — nothing less will suffice.

I reject the Taoiseach's attempts this morning to sully the Irish people's rejection of this treaty by trying to link it with the contemptuous views of Mr. Le Pen and others. Progressive people across Europe have welcomed the rejection of this much contested text. We are not alone in our opinion of the Lisbon treaty. This document has been put before the people of five countries and was overwhelmingly rejected in three instances.

Sinn Féin will host an event in Brussels tomorrow with senior political representatives from France and the Netherlands. We will be joined by Jean-Luc Mélenchon, French Socialist Senator and President of Pour la République Sociale, PRS, Francis Wurtz, President of GUE/NGL and Dutch parliamentarian, Harry Von Bommel of the Social Party. These are respected, sensible, grounded parliamentarians who, like Sinn Féin, won the support of their people through calm, measured and informed debate. We should stick to the facts not alone in regard to the text of the Lisbon treaty but in respect of the clear welcome of the Irish people's decision last Thursday as echoed right across the European Union.

Throughout the campaign, Sinn Féin argued that the Lisbon treaty was a bad deal and that a better deal for Ireland and Europe was possible. We focused on three specific concerns. We argued that the Lisbon treaty would deepen the democratic deficit. It would do so by removing this State's permanent Commissioner; would reduce our voting strength at Council, removing or weakening a number of key strategic vetoes on taxation and international trade and by giving the European Council the power to amend the fundamental laws of the Union. That the treaty was written and presented in an unintelligible form that added an information deficit to the democratic deficit is clearly indisputable.

We argued that in addition to taking the EU further down the road of developing common foreign and defence policies, these policies would promote militarisation and, in turn, undermine this State's neutrality. We were deeply worried the Lisbon treaty was designed to further open up vital public services such as health and education to competition and, in turn, privatisation. This liberalising drive would have been complemented by the removal of key vetoes on the inclusion of health, education and social services in international trade agreements.

Sinn Féin also expressed deep disappointment with the failure of the drafters of the Lisbon treaty to address issues of workers' rights and the continuing trend towards social dumping aided and abetted by the European Court of Justice.

In addition to these key areas we also highlighted issues such as the negative impact of the treaty on the developing world and Ireland's continued involvement in the European Atomic Energy Community.

The campaign is over and the verdict is clear. I welcome Fine Gael and Labour's commitment not to seek a second referendum on Lisbon and I call on the Government to do likewise in clear and unequivocal terms. However, the most important task now is to ensure the better deal, for which the people voted, is secured. While the primary responsibility in this effort lies with the Government, there is a responsibility on those of us who argued against the treaty to outline in detail of what we believe such a deal should consist. We must also support the Government in achieving the best possible outcome of any future negotiations. I say that sincerely, as I did yesterday on the floor of this House.

Also, I encourage all sectors, whatever their position on the treaty, to grasp this opportunity and to work with the rest of us in this cause. Today Sinn Féin will submit to the Irish Government a detailed position paper outlining proposed changes to the Lisbon treaty. Among the changes we are arguing for are the retention of a permanent commissioner for all member states; the retention of the Nice treaty formulae for qualified majority voting; the removal of all eight self-amending articles, including the simplified revision procedure in Article 48; the removal of Article 46a giving the EU a single legal personality; a strengthened protocol on the role of member state parliaments; a significantly expanded protocol on the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, including the aims and values of the EU; substantial amendments to aspects of the Common Foreign and Security Policy; substantial amendments to the section of Common Defence and Security Policy; a new protocol on neutrality; a strengthened social clause; a substantially revised protocol on vital public services; amendments to articles dealing with public services and state aid; the inclusion of the European Trade Union Confederation Social Progress Clause to protect workers' rights; a protocol on Irish tax sovereignty; substantial amendments to Article 188 dealing with international trade agreements, including a cast iron veto on mixed World Trade Organisation agreements; a new protocol ending Ireland's participation in the European Atomic Energy Community; and a series of amendments to Articles 10 and 188 promoting the needs of the developing world in the context of international trade.

Sinn Féin's agenda for the future of the EU is much broader and deeper than this list of demands which are, in our opinion, modest and achievable. They represent the detail of the better deal we argued for during the referendum campaign and what we believe to be the minimum changes required for any new treaty to be acceptable to the electorate. Of course, the Government will say this list is too ambitious, too detailed and undeliverable. However, already we are hearing from a range of voices across the EU, in governments, opposition parties and social movements, supporting some or all of the above. Smaller member states are interested in our proposals on the Commission and Council. Trade unions and social movements are supportive of our position on workers' rights and public services. Peace organisations and anti-war movements are ready to mobilise on those issues that resonate with them.

The question is whether the Irish Government has the political will and courage to give voice to the concerns of the electorate as expressed in last week's referendum. Politics is the art of the possible. When entering negotiation one must be ambitious and realistic. Crucially, one must gather as much support as one can, both domestically and in other member states, to secure the most advantageous outcome.

As I stated yesterday, Sinn Féin is ready to play its part in a constructive manner. We believe that many others are willing to do likewise. All eyes are on the Government and, specifically, on the Taoiseach as he faces his first European Council meeting as Taoiseach. The question that arises is whether he will listen to the will of the people and work to secure a better deal for Ireland and the European Union or — I hope this will not prove to be the case — collude with those political forces across the European Union who seem unwilling to respect the outcome of referenda in Ireland, France and the Netherlands and who, like Mr. Barroso, encourage a continuation of the ratification process in other member states in order to create a situation through which Europe can apply even greater pressures in Ireland not alone on Government but on the entire political representation of this State and try to force the Irish people through this process once again. This is absolutely unacceptable. The opportunity presents for the Taoiseach to translate the words "respect" and "acceptance" — words used by him time and again since last Friday's count result was announced — in a manner which will assure the Irish people he intends to act in accordance with their decision and those of the French and Dutch electorates. The Taoiseach must demand a cessation of this process given the Lisbon treaty quite clearly cannot proceed or be adopted without the unanimous support of all 27 member states. The Irish people have said "No"; it is their final answer and it should be accepted and acted upon.

The first option I mentioned will strengthen Ireland, our place in the EU and will strengthen the Union. People will see that the democratic voice of not alone the Irish people but of people across the European Union is sacrosanct and that it will be respected not alone within their respective democracies but right across the European Union. This is an important test.

The second option will deal yet another blow to the democratic credibility of an already faltering European Union and the disconnect that is deepening by the day between the peoples of the member states and those at the helm and the heart of its administration. Go raibh maith agat.

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