Bernard Durkan (Kildare North, Fine Gael)

I, too, am glad to have an opportunity to speak on this important and pertinent issue which has engaged the world community for some considerable time. Despite this engagement, however, little or nothing has happened. In fact, Zimbabwe has slipped further into the mire in terms of the shackles it has imposed upon itself.

It is sad that a man like Robert Mugabe, who set out with such high ideals and aspirations and who captured the imagination of his people, has allowed his vision to become blurred with the passage of time. This is not the first time in history this has happened: it has happened to many other people and in many democracies. Much can be learned from these experiences.

I agree with Members who referred to the possible corollary with the Irish situation in terms of land distribution. The structures introduced here in post-colonial era could be usefully applied in Zimbabwe. However, they may not work because for reasons of political expediency it was felt there could be but one outcome. It is tragic that wealth and resources have been squandered in such a way as to leave people hungry and a country vulnerable. The moral of the story of course is that one can destroy all one's resources on the basis that those who have them should not have them and thus render them no good to anybody, in which case everybody starves.

I speak today in the presence of Deputy Michael D. Higgins who having been around the track several times is now an expert on these issues. How many times have we spoken on such subjects in this House? We have, during my time in this House, bemoaned what has happened and led protests nationally and internationally in this regard. However, nobody in the countries concerned cares. There are several examples of this.

If the internal situation takes on an impetus of its own and it is recognised that outside intervention is unlikely to occur or, that if it does occur, it will be of negligible impact, it will not be possible to get overall agreement. A classic comparison is Slobodan Milosevic. His strength lay in the fact that he knew there could be no unity of purpose among his neighbours in terms of how to deal with him. He knew that the UN was helpless and could do nothing in that situation and that he was in full control. The same situation applies in respect of Zimbabwe. Everybody knows that despite the best will in the world including, in the African Union countries, nobody has been able to force President Mugabe to recognise that the manner in which he was leading his country was wrong. No one could persuade him that the way in which he was heading was the wrong way to go and that it could bring only disaster for his people, black and white.

Several members spoke about international intervention by way of a peace corps supported by a Chad-like group. This proposal should be favourably considered. If nothing happens, the situation will degenerate to such an extent it will result in even more open conflict which in turn will lead to outright civil war and prolonged slaughter as has happened in several other countries. A resolution will at the end of the day be found and peace will be restored. It is sad that this is how things work. In the opinion of many, the world has not made much progress in terms of how we address these issues.

I do not know how effective aid can be particularly if we cannot get the aid to the people for whom it is intended. If we cannot divert aid to those for whom it is intended, then of what benefit is it? On the other hand, we cannot withhold aid until such time as there is in place a structure that will deliver it in the manner we want. We are caught; we have a problem.

Deputy Brendan Howlin and others referred to the health situation in Africa in general. We must bear in mind the need for proper, organised and co-ordinated health support systems. By whom these systems are delivered is becoming more important as time goes on. We all continue to table parliamentary questions in respect of issues in Africa in general. It is a particularly sensitive spot in terms of denial of simple and basic human rights. As time passes, this denial can often develop to the extent that the perpetrators of injustice become completely impervious to international opinion and it in turn becomes totally paralysed by virtue of the fact that without direct and controversial intervention nothing can happen. There the whole tableau stands.

Ireland has a particular expertise, knowledge and history of involvement in peacekeeping and, in more recent times, peace enforcement. It is generally recognised outside of this country that we have an expertise above and beyond that which is available elsewhere. We must recognise this and try to develop our resources in this area with a view to getting involved. Ministers for Foreign Affairs have repeatedly stated that whenever they receive a request they always consider it favourably. I fully accept this.

Mention was made of stability, which is important. I do not know how stability can be achieved in a situation such as this. Reference was also made to the UN. I do not know to what extent the UN is likely to be influential in organising recognition of authority or world opinion. I do not believe anything will happen there.

The next question is who else matters. Controversially, the EU is accused in some quarters of becoming militaristic, bureaucratic and colonialist in its outlook. I reject that entirely. However, the European Union collectively and its member states individually have an important role to play. It is a modern society with a population of approximately 500 million and that is a considerable lobby in anybody's book. It can and should use its influence collectively and if it does, it will have an impact. It has been brought to the attention of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, of which I am Chairman, that the European Union has responsibility in this area and should use its influence.

Developing countries where human rights abuses are taking place, notwithstanding their particular situations and the fact that no country wants to encourage intrusion by others, should recognise and observe the moral authority of the international community. When the international community puts up its hand, it is for a good reason. This reason has been well and truly established and I hope this debate will have a beneficial effect and the European Union and the UN or a combination of all will be able to become positively involved.

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