Barry Andrews (Dún Laoghaire, Fianna Fail)

This issue comes before the House at a sad time for Zimbabwe. The Oireachtas has shown considerable interest in that country for the past ten or 11 months and many Members, including the Minister, have outlined the problems the country faces. I propose to make a few observations.

The Association of Western European Parliamentarians for Africa, AWEPA, has a very active Irish section and Deputies and Senators from all sides recently attended a meeting in the House to ventilate their concerns about Zimbabwe. The problems of Zimbabwe resonate with many Irish people for several reasons, including the land issue it faces and other issues outlined by Deputy Burton. As the Minister indicated, much of the problem surrounding land was resolved prior to independence. The pre-independence Land Acts do not bear comparison with the current circumstances in Zimbabwe because many landowners here were absentee landowners. Reform was introduced here on the basis of an understanding that 50% to 70% of tenants and the landlords agreed with the changes. This approach would be ideal for Zimbabwe.

Half of the land of Namibia is owned by 4,000 white farmers. One of the reasons it is very hard to achieve a settlement in the region is that many of the regional leaders look up to President Mugabe as one of only a few freedom fighters left on the stage and a leader willing to tackle the issue of land ownership, albeit in a highly cynical, illegal manner which is in defiance of human rights and the democratic process. Nevertheless, President Mugabe appears to be well liked among South African Development Community leaders. Having placed all our eggs in the SADC basket, the organisation has effectively come up short. Its one achievement in the period preceding the elections on 29 March was in introducing a requirement that results would be posted outside polling stations. As a result, the outcome of the parliamentary election was to some degree fair.

AWEPA takes a great interest in events in Zimbabwe. I also pay tribute to NGOs in Ireland which are highlighting the issue, specifically Trocáire, which has been excellent in relaying to Members information obtained from its workers on the ground, and Amnesty International, which has hosted a number of events around Dublin, including plays and independence day celebration in April. This active interest in Zimbabwe is reflected in the fact that the motion is the second resolution to come before the House on the issue. While many countries are suffering hardship, Zimbabwe resonates for the simple reason that many people have sympathy with its people.

It is difficult to determine where we go from here. Initially, AWEPA intended to highlight the issue of Zimbabwe and the country featured prominently in news reports during most of April. However, it has fallen off the news agenda and no longer features in media reports. Unfortunately, media interest wanes and the life cycle of news stories is short. This story has withered on the vine, which means it is now a matter of political will. Governments and organisations such as AWEPA must show an interest and ensure the issue stays on the agenda of the Council of Ministers. The long period between the election and the run-off between the presidential candidates in late July suits President Mugabe. I am sure he hopes the international media's lack of interest will allow him to continue to practice the type of transgressions against electoral procedure that has guaranteed his presidency for so long.

Zimbabwe is in a bad position. Straightforward measures need to be taken after the election. The International Crisis Group recommended a regional solution, arguing that regional leaders in SADC and the African Union should exert influence on the Zimbabwean Government. This approach has been disastrous. The ICG also stated that in the event of the elections being rigged and an unsatisfactory outcome achieved, as appears to have been the case, we should consider reviewing the current sanctions regime. Current sanctions are limited to a travel ban on Zanu-PF Party members and a ban on financial transactions. Unfortunately, both measures have been ignored and it is widely reported that senior figures in the Zanu-PF Party are outside the country and financial transactions continue. Neither measure has been successful and the sanctions have not influenced the political structure.

The European Union must, at some point, make a clear statement that it will seriously consider divestment. Ireland has taken a clear position on divestment in the area of cluster munitions. Information available to me shows that certain companies are supporting the regime through activities in Zimbabwe. By guaranteeing foreign exchange, they enable the regime to survive. The European Union must indicate a willingness to take action on divestment. We must also offer hope to people in the MDC. I am sure their morale is at a very low ebb as the issue drifts out of the international media. We must let them know we support them and that we will be there if they succeed in taking over power by the end of July. We must make it clear we will offer assistance in a reconstruction programme. I mentioned before the idea of a Marshall plan-type reconstruction. There is an opportunity for Irish Aid to consider whether Zimbabwe might become a programme country along the lines of Malawi. However, that is entirely a matter for Irish Aid.

I worry about South Africa's role because President Mbeki is on the way out and his successor as leader of the ANC, Zuma, is facing fraud charges so its interest in and attention to Zimbabwe will be fairly limited.

As was mentioned, the Irish Ambassador to South Africa did excellent work up to and after the election. The dangers faced by people like the ambassador were made clear by the arrest of the UK ambassador in the past week when he investigated reports of intimidation and human rights abuses. I commend the Irish ambassador on his work. I also commend Richard Downes on his work during the election. He sent back reports in difficult circumstances.

Even some of the MPs who were elected have been arrested. Eight MDC supporters were murdered in the past week and 32 have been killed since March. There is a ban on MDC rallies in Harare. I have very grave concerns about SADC's ability to respond.

On the issue of aid and how successful it can be, I am sure the new Minister of State with responsibility for that will reflect on the balance between aid and good governance. The more one looks at the issues surrounding development in Africa, the more one is convinced that without good governance, aid is, to a large extent, being wasted. I know that governance is part of the Irish Aid project but a debate probably needs to take place on the extent to which governance should be the lead issue. I commend the motion to the House.

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