Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)

In February 2008, Commissioner Kuneva's office said that the Commission and Council were getting negative feedback on a health directive and President Barroso instructed the Commission not to take unpopular initiatives during the Lisbon treaty discussions. On 1 April, Androulla Vassiliou, the Health Commissioner, told MEPs that the Commission will publish its long-delayed proposal for a cross-border health care directive in June. We find — surprise, surprise — that the publication date will be 25 June, after the Irish referendum on the Lisbon treaty.

On Monday, 14 April, the Daily Mail outlined a briefing by Dan Mulhall, a senior official in the Department of Foreign Affairs, stating that the referendum is being held in June rather than October due to likely "unhelpful developments" during the forthcoming French Presidency, particularly with regard to defence. Mr. Mulhall also acknowledged Margot Wallstrom's reassurances that the Commission was willing to "tone down or delay messages that might be unhelpful" to the Irish referendum.

Also revealed last week was a letter from the powerful EU constitutional committee chairperson, Jo Leinen, stating that he was writing to chairpersons of EU committees advising them that "any documents concerning implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon which addresses politically sensitive matters be examined only when it becomes sufficiently clear that the Treaty will enter into force" — i.e. after the Irish referendum.

On Thursday last, 17 April, the EU Observer reported that a public debate on EU budgetary reform launched last September has been given two additional months, with diplomats suggesting that the additional time comes as a result of the "EU tip-toeing around Ireland" as the controversial debate includes possible cuts in farm subsidies.

It was reported on Sunday last that President Barroso has confirmed that the Commission will not now be pursuing a case against Ireland for alleged breach of EU rules on equal opportunity due to religious schools refusing to employ teachers who do not adhere to the religious ethos of the school. It is believed that this climb-down reflects the intense pressure on the European Union to avoid antagonising the Irish in advance of the referendum. Deception is the name of the game for the "yes" camp, but the old saying should be remembered: "what a tangled web we weave, when first we practice to deceive."

Deputy Ruairí Quinn said we must support the treaty, that it is not perfect but "it is the only Europe around". That is patently false. We have a choice. We can say no to the drive towards the type of Europe envisaged by Jose Barroso, President of the European Commission who said last July:

Sometimes I like to compare the EU as a creation to the organisation of empire. We have the dimensions of empire.

Sinn Féin Deputies set out the arguments against the Lisbon treaty. We set out the direct implications for Ireland if the Lisbon treaty is passed in terms of the loss of power, neutrality, public services, workers' rights, rural Ireland and the economy. We also set out in clear terms what the Irish Government should do in negotiations for a new treaty. I would like to add to my contribution a call on the electorate to participate in the debate, to come out and vote "no" and send the Government back to secure a better deal for Ireland. It is my firm view that the Irish Government absolutely failed to protect Irish national interests during the negotiations both on the EU constitution and the Lisbon treaty.

People should consider carefully what they are being asked to support. The Lisbon treaty includes more than 100 additional powers for EU institutions, including the loss of vetoes in key areas like the economy; the ending of our automatic right to a Commissioner — this means no Irish voice at the table for five out of every 15 years; a 50% reduction in our voting strength in the Council of Ministers; and Article 48, which gives the EU powers to amend its own treaties without recourse to an intergovernmental conference or a new treaty — this would give the Commission and the Council significant scope to acquire more powers in the future.

The effect of all of this is to substantially weaken Ireland's position within the European Union institutions. This loss of power will have serious implications for our farming community; fisheries, as already demonstrated;r small businesses; and the economy in general. We are told that all countries are being treated equally, but of course this is not the case. While our voting strength is being cut in half, the voting strength of larger countries such as Britain and Germany nearly doubles. We are told that it is not practical to have 27 Commissioners, that it would be too cumbersome, but in the Dáil there are 15 Ministers and 20 Ministers of State for a population of fewer than 5 million people. It seems more than credible and necessary to have 27 Commissioners to represent more than 500 million people.

There has been a lot of scaremongering during this debate about the economy, with some suggesting that foreign direct investment will dry up if the Lisbon treaty is rejected. This is nonsense and serves only to distract attention from the content of the treaty. In France, following the rejection of the EU constitution, inflows of foreign direct investment reached historic highs for two consecutive years. Ireland will remain an attractive location for investment and our position in the European Union will be secure long into the future.

However, there are issues in the Lisbon treaty that will negatively impact on key economic issues, such as competitiveness, growth and social inclusion. The loss of a permanent Commissioner could have a serious impact on agriculture and rural communities. Not only is the Commission given greater scope in the negotiation of international trade agreements, but Ireland loses its veto in all but a small number of cases. The Lisbon treaty provides for qualified majority voting on laws governing foreign direct investment and international agreements on foreign investment. There are also growing concerns about the EU desire to create a common tax base. Ministers claim that Ireland's veto will block measures from the EU, but as it stands Article 48 of the Lisbon treaty allows the EU to move from unanimity to majority voting on key areas, including company tax.

This is not a shock to the Irish Government. It has known about this issue for many years but has failed to take action to protect the national interest and instead tried to bury the issue until after the Lisbon treaty. Charlie McCreevy has talked about the long-term hidden agenda for a common corporation tax base and said it was a sinister idea that refuses to die. French finance Minister Christine Lagarde let the cat out of the bag during this past week when she said that the French were determined to push through a common corporate tax base during the upcoming French Presidency of the European Union.

In the view of this Deputy and that of my colleagues and many more people with a variety of political opinion and none, the Government seriously mishandled the Lisbon treaty negotiations. Decisions regarding taxation are a matter for this State to decide. The Government ought to have ensured that issues such as taxation were exempt from the application of Article 48, but it failed to do this. This could be properly addressed in a new treaty.

If we look at the position of the other parties, the situation is even more worrying. MEPs from both Fine Gael and the Labour Party supported the Bersani report in the European Parliament, which called for common corporation taxes. I believe that a better deal is possible. The Lisbon treaty should be rejected and Irish negotiators should be sent back to the table to secure a better deal, including Ireland keeping a permanent European Commissioner and our voting strength on the Council of Ministers being maintained; a specific article recognising and protecting neutrality; opt outs ending support for nuclear power, the European Defence Agency and other contributions to EU military expenditure; working with other EU countries to strengthen democracy and create new provisions promoting public services; specific protocols serving this State's right to continue making its own decisions on taxation; specific measures exempting health and education from privatisation; and specific measures promoting fair trade over free trade.

On behalf of the Sinn Féin Oireachtas team in the Dáil and the Seanad, I again encourage people to take their courage in their hands on 12 June——

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